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| 2. |
- Kendrick, Kristin, et al.
(author)
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The protective role of supportive friends against bullying perpetration and victimization
- 2012
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In: Journal of Adolescence. - : Wiley. - 0140-1971 .- 1095-9254. ; 35:4, s. 1069-1080
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- A crossed-lagged regression model was tested to investigate relationships between friendship support, bullying involvement, and its consequences during adolescence. Students, 12–16 years ( N = 880), were administered questionnaires twice, one year apart. Using structural equation modeling, a model was specified and higher levels of support from friends were related to lower levels of bullying and victimization one year later. Additionally, a bidirectional relationship between victimization and depression was found, and greater property crimes commission was related to higher levels of future bullying. These findings support the ‘friendship protection hypothesis’ and suggest the quality of support in friendships can protect against bullying victimization and perpetration. Prior research has shown that friendships can protect against victimization; however this is one of the few longitudinal studies to focus on the quality of friendship, rather than other characteristics of the friends. It is suggested that interventions should focus on increasing perceptions of support within existing friendships.
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| 3. |
- Stattin, Håkan, 1951-, et al.
(author)
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Characteristics and Consequences of Having a Political Reputation in Class
- 2022
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In: Political Psychology. - : John Wiley & Sons. - 0162-895X .- 1467-9221. ; 43:4, s. 635-650
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- The study examined the individual characteristics and consequences of psychological group processes that may lead some students to gain a reputation for being politically knowledgeable and verbal in class (a political reputation). Two normal samples of Swedish students were used, 13-year- olds (N = 835) and 16-year-olds (N = 795). Longitudinal data over one year were analyzed and showed that youths’ political reputation in class is established very early. Cross-sectional predictions showed that political interest predicted political reputation in class positively, and social fear predicted political reputation negatively in both cohorts. In addition, having a political reputation predicted increased political interest and political efficacy over one year. Further, mediation analyses showed that youths’ political predispositions, their political interest and political efficacy at T1, significantly operated on interest and efficacy at T2 via the political reputation. This suggests that political reputation partly functions as a booster of youths’ initial political predispositions over time. Future research is needed into the long-term consequences of having a political reputation.
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| 4. |
- Stattin, Håkan, 1951-, et al.
(author)
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Pubertal timing
- 2018
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In: The SAGE Encyclopedia of Lifespan Human Development. - Thousand Oaks : Sage Publications. - 9781506307657
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Book chapter (peer-reviewed)
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| 5. |
- Stattin, Håkan, 1951-, et al.
(author)
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Why Some Adolescents Are Open To Their Parents’ Political Communication
- 2022
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In: Journal of Youth and Adolescence. - : Plenum Publishers. - 0047-2891 .- 1573-6601. ; 51:11, s. 2235-2247
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- This study examines the conditions that make adolescents open to their parents’ attempts at political socialization. Based on a reformulation of the perceptual accuracy argument, that parents’ messages are filtered through correct perceptions of these messages by adolescents, the study suggests that adolescents who accurately recognize their parents’ high political sophistication are particularly likely to attend to and be open to their parents’ political communication. This proposition was tested using cluster analysis of a sample of 505 Swedish upper-secondary students and their parents (51% girls;Mage = 16.56, SD = 0.67). The analysis yielded two clusters where adolescents correctly identified (26%) and failed to correctly identify (22%) their parents’ high political sophistication, and three clusters where both parents and adolescents reported low or medium parental political sophistication (10%, 11%, and 32%). In confirmation of the hypothesis, members of the cluster group of adolescents who correctly recognized their parents’ high political sophistication were particularly aware of parents’ political socialization attempts and receptive to parents’ political communication. Moreover, these youth considered their parents’ political views as important and, accordingly, seemed to perceive their parents as political role models.
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| 6. |
- Korol, Liliia, et al.
(author)
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Why Do Ethnically Harassed Immigrant Adolescents Engage in Violent Behaviors? : The Role of Affiliation With Violent Peers
- 2021
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In: Journal of Early Adolescence. - : Sage Publications. - 0272-4316 .- 1552-5449. ; 41:6, s. 809-839
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- This study aimed to analyze affiliations with violent peers as an underlying mechanism that associates ethnic harassment with violent behaviors among immigrant youth (N= 365;M-age= 13.93,SD= 0.80), and also identify the risk factors in this relation. The results revealed that identification with an immigrant peer crowd at school made ethnically harassed immigrant adolescents more inclined to associate with violent peers and, in turn, engage in violent behaviors over time. Immigrant youth's orientation toward the mainstream culture was not found to either elevate or buffer the effect of ethnic harassment on youth's affiliation with violent peers. Yet, ethnically harassed immigrant adolescents were shown to be more prone to violent behaviors over time when they were less orientated toward Swedish culture. The findings suggest that preventing ethnicity-based harassment and diversifying adolescents' peer groups at schools may be a way to prevent immigrant adolescents' involvement in violent behaviors.
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| 7. |
- Stattin, Håkan, et al.
(author)
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Is love politically blind? : The role that the romantic partner plays for young adults' socio-political interest
- 2021
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In: Journal of Youth Studies. - : Routledge. - 1367-6261 .- 1469-9680. ; 24:4, s. 481-498
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- This study examined the political interest of young adults who over two years moved in or out of a romantic relationship or had a romantic partner at both ages. The sample comprised young adults in Sweden (n = 1335; M-age = 22.75, SD = 3.01). Among those who entered a romantic relationship, the partners seemed to adjust to each other's political interest, but when separations occurred, the influence of the former partner vanished. Attending to similarities and dissimilarities in both partners' levels of political interest, we hypothesized that in relations where both partners had high political interest, their political discussions would occur frequently, and they were likely to reinforce each other's search for information about society more than in other romantic relationships. This hypothesis was confirmed. We also examined if partners with different political interest had lower partner commitments and later become singles more often than couples with similar political interests. We found few differences. Overall, both variable- and person-oriented analyses showed that romantic partners can both thwart and increase the political interest of young adults. Apparently, young adults' romantic partners play a significant role for their political interest.
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| 8. |
- Andershed, Anna-Karin, 1973-, et al.
(author)
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Predicting Antisocial Behavior Trajectories : A Gender Sensitive Approach
- 2010
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Conference paper (peer-reviewed)abstract
- The developmental taxonomy proposed by Moffitt (1993, 2006) holds that there are two main trajectories of offending: a life-course-persistent (LCP) and an adolescent-limited (AL) pattern. A bulk of research, primarily for males, supports the LCP and AL conceptualization. Childhood risk factors behind the development of LCP and AL offending seem to be quite similar for males and females. If the model proposed by Moffitt is correct, however, possibilities to predict future antisocial behavior should differ between the sexes. Early childhood problems which predict future LCP are more common among males. Hence it should be possible early to forecast LCP trajectories for males, but not for females. Rather, what happens from childhood to early adolescence should be predictive of females' future antisocial behavior. We tested the possibility to predict middle adolescent normbreaking and adult criminality from late childhood and late childhood to early adolescence problem indicators, respectively, for the 1,000 males and females in the longitudinal research program Individual Development and Adjustment (Magnusson et al., 1973). Analyses showed that male offending could be better and earlier predicted than female offending, but what happens in early adolescence mattered for later normbreaking and criminality for both females and males.
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| 9. |
- Bayram Özdemir, Sevgi, 1981-, et al.
(author)
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Adolescents' Engagement in Ethnic Harassment : Prejudiced Beliefs in Social Networks and Classroom Ethnic Diversity
- 2018
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In: Journal of Youth and Adolescence. - : Springer. - 0047-2891 .- 1573-6601. ; 47:6, s. 1151-1163
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Research on ethnic victimization to date has done little to identify the reasons why adolescents victimize their peers due to their ethnic background. To address this limitation, we examined: (1) the extent to which prejudiced attitudes within adolescents' close and larger social networks determine their engagement in ethnic harassment, and (2) the extent to which classroom ethnic diversity plays a role in any such link. Our sample included 902 Swedish adolescents (M age = 14.40, SD = .95; 50.3% girls). We found that Swedish adolescents who held negative attitudes toward immigrants or who were surrounded by prejudiced peers were more likely to be involved in ethnic harassment, particularly in classrooms with high ethnic diversity. Adolescents in classrooms with a high anti-immigrant climate were more likely to harass their immigrant peers. These findings suggest that prejudiced beliefs in youth social networks put young people at risk of engaging in ethnic harassment, particularly in ethnically diverse classrooms.
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| 10. |
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