| 1. |
- Bartelson, Jens, et al.
(författare)
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After de-centering: a new research agenda for state making
- 2018
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Ingår i: De-Centering State Making : Comparative and International Perspectives - Comparative and International Perspectives. - 9781788112987 - 9781788112994 ; , s. 218-232
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)
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| 2. |
- Hall, Martin, et al.
(författare)
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Introduction: de-centering state making
- 2018
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Ingår i: De-Centering State Making : Comparative and International Perspectives - Comparative and International Perspectives. - 9781788112987 - 9781788112994 ; , s. 1-16
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)
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| 3. |
- Bartelson, Jens, et al.
(författare)
-
Introduction : De-centering state making
- 2018
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Ingår i: De-Centering State Making : Comparative and International Perspectives - Comparative and International Perspectives. - : Edward Elgar Publishing. - 9781788112987 - 9781788112994 ; , s. 1-14
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)
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| 4. |
- Bäck, Hanna
(författare)
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Explaining Coalitions : Evidence and Lessons From Studying Coalition Formation in Swedish Local Government
- 2003
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The aim of this thesis is to better understand coalition formation. To date, a vast number of theories have been presented with the goal to explain coalition outcomes. For example, early coalition theories assumed that parties were motivated solely by the goal of attaining the power and prestige that come with being in office, and predicted that minimal winning coalitions would form. Later coalition theories are instead often based on the assumption that parties are interested in implementing a policy program.Three problems with much of the existing coalition research are identified and solved in this study. First, many coalition theories have only been evaluated on the data set of Western European national governments despite the fact that these theories often emerged from consideration of this same data set, which implies that these theories have not been subjected to proper evaluations. In this study, a new data set consisting of a large number of formation opportunities in Swedish local government is used to evaluate coalition theories. Second, few empirical investigations have focused on comparing alternative coalition explanations using careful controls. In this study several different statistical techniques are used to evaluate the relative importance of a number of important coalition variables. Third, coalition researchers have not focused on giving adequate causal explanations to coalition formation in terms of measuring both the causal effects and the causal mechanisms underlying these effects. In this thesis, a large-n statistical study is combined with in-depth case studies, which makes it possible to measure and isolate effects, and to investigate the mechanisms that explain these effects.The analyses performed here indicate that when explaining coalition formation we should take into account that parties are neither pure office-seekers nor pure policy-seekers. Instead, parties are driven by multiple goals. The results also indicate that we should consider that parties are concerned with the effects that coalitional choices may have on future election results. The results found here show that parties should not be treated as unitary actors, and that some parties may be less likely to be in government due to the fact that they use highly democratic decision-making procedures, or because they are highly factionalized. Another conclusion drawn here is that when explaining coalitions, we should consider that the history of interaction between parties matters and that parties are concerned with minimizing the transaction costs with forming a coalition. Many other theories are either backed up or discredited by the evidence.
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| 5. |
- Bäck, Hanna, et al.
(författare)
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Explaining Modes of Participation : A Dynamic Test of Alternative Rational Choice Models
- 2011
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Ingår i: Scandinavian Political Studies. - : Wiley. - 0080-6757 .- 1467-9477. ; 34:1, s. 74-97
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Rational choice accounts of political participation identify two major solutions to “the paradox of participation” — collective incentives and selective incentives. Prior findings regarding the viability of these solutions are seemingly inconclusive and contradictory. In our view, one important reason for this is that the applicability of these solutions varies across participatory modes. In this paper, we make a first attempt to develop a theoretical answer to the question of why this may be the case. We then test our predictions across four different modes of participation, using longitudinal data that eliminate or reduce the biases inherent in cross-sectional designs. Our results show different types of incentives to strike with distinctly variable force across different modes of participation. Most importantly, we find that whereas electoral modes of participation (voting and party activity) are affected by selective incentives only, the non-electoral modes (contacting and manifestations) are the consequence of both collective and selective incentives.
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| 6. |
- Bäck, Hanna, et al.
(författare)
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Pre-electoral coalitions, familiarity, and delays in government formation
- 2024
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Ingår i: West European Politics. - : Routledge. - 0140-2382 .- 1743-9655. ; 47:1, s. 88-112
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- During the past decade, many parliamentary democracies have experienced bargaining delays when forming governments. The previous literature has attributed protracted government formation processes to a high degree of preference uncertainty among the political parties and a high level of bargaining complexity. The article draws on such theories, but also adds a third theoretical mechanism, commitment problems, and highlights two explanatory variables that have not received much attention so far. The first is pre-electoral coalitions, which are declarations by parties stating that they intend to collaborate with each other after the election. The second is familiarity, which is the mutual trust between parties that comes from having worked together in the past. By combining a large-N study of government formation processes in 17 West European parliamentary democracies (1945-2019) with an in-depth case study of the prolonged Swedish government formation process in 2018-2019, it is shown that pre-electoral coalitions that fail to win a majority can sometimes delay, not speed up, government formation. In addition, a lack of familiarity may sometimes lead to a breakdown of negotiations and drawn-out government formation processes.
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| 7. |
- Cornell, Agnes, 1981, et al.
(författare)
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Bureaucracy and Growth
- 2020
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Ingår i: Comparative Political Studies. - : SAGE Publications. - 0010-4140 .- 1552-3829. ; 53:14, s. 2246-2282
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- We revisit the hypothesis that a Weberian bureaucracy enhances economic growth. Theoretically, we develop arguments for why such a bureaucracy may enhance growth and discuss plausible counterarguments. Empirically, we use new measures capturing various Weberian features in countries across the world, with some time series extending back to 1789. The evidence base from previous large-N studies is surprisingly thin, but our extensive data enable us to move beyond the problematic cross-country correlations used in previous studies. Hence, we conduct tests that control for country-specific characteristics while ensuring sufficient variation on the slow-moving bureaucracy variables to enable precise estimation. Our analysis suggests that previous cross-country regressions have vastly overstated the strength of the relationship. While this casts uncertainty on the proposition that there is an effect of Weberian bureaucracy on growth, our further analysis suggests that-if an effect exists-it may operate in the short term and be stronger in recent decades.
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| 8. |
- Dahlström, Carl, 1972, et al.
(författare)
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Public administrations around the world
- 2012
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Ingår i: Good Government: The Relevance of Political Science. - Cheltenham : Edward Elgar. - 9780857934925 - 978 0 85793 492 5 ; , s. 40-67
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)
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| 9. |
- Dahlström, Carl, 1972, et al.
(författare)
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The Merit of Meritocratization: Politics, Bureaucracy, and the Institutional Deterrents of Corruption
- 2012
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Ingår i: Political Research Quarterly. - : SAGE Publications. - 1938-274X .- 1065-9129. ; 65:3, s. 656-668
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Comparative studies of corruption focus on the selection and incentives of policymakers. With few exceptions, actors who are in charge of implementing policies have been neglected. This article analyzes an original data set on the bureaucratic features and its effects on corruption in fifty-two countries. Two empirical findings challenge the conventional wisdom in literature. First, certain bureaucratic factors, particularly meritocratic recruitment, reduce corruption, even when controlling for a large set of alternative explanations. Second, the analysis shows that other allegedly relevant bureaucratic factors, such as public employees' competitive salaries, career stability, or internal promotion, do not have a significant impact.
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| 10. |
- Dawes, Christopher T., et al.
(författare)
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Linking Genes and Political Orientations: Testing the Cognitive Ability as Mediator Hypothesis
- 2015
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Ingår i: Political Psychology. - : Wiley: 24 months. - 1467-9221 .- 0162-895X. ; 36:6, s. 649-665
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Recent research has demonstrated that genetic differences explain a sizeable fraction of the variance in political orientations, but little is known about the pathways through which genes might affect political preferences. In this article, we use a uniquely assembled dataset of almost 1,000 Swedish male twin pairs containing detailed information on cognitive ability and political attitudes in order to further examine the genetic and environmental causes of political orientations. Our study makes three distinct contributions to our understanding of the etiology of political orientations: (1) we report heritability estimates across different dimensions of political ideology; (2) we show that cognitive ability and political orientations are related; and (3) we provide evidence consistent with the hypothesis that cognitive ability mediates part of the genetic influence on political orientations. These findings provide important clues about the nature of the complex pathways from molecular genetic variation to political orientations.
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