| 1. |
- Linke, Sebastian, 1974, et al.
(författare)
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More than just a carding system: Labour implications of the EU’s illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing policy in Thailand
- 2021
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Ingår i: Marine Policy. - : Elsevier BV. - 0308-597X. ; 127
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Globally, the EU plays a leading role in combating Illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing activities. Specifically, the EU exercises normative power to influence regulatory strategies and governing frameworks in third countries. In 2015, the EU issued Thailand a yellow card, indicating that economic sanctions would be implemented unless IUU fishing practices were eliminated. Concurrently, revelations about ‘modern slavery’ in Thailand's fishing industry had received international attention, through media and NGOs, exposing slavery-like practices among migrant fishworkers. Conventionally, the EU IUU policy addresses only issues of catch and environmental sustainability. This paper explores how an initial bilateral dialogue was bifurcated into two dialogues: a Fishery Dialogue and a Labour Dialogue. Drawing on semi-structured interviews with involved actors, expert opinions, field-visits and secondary documents, we ask: How were labour issues integrated into the bilateral dialogue, and what consequences emerged from the IUU policy for Thai fisheries management? Tracing the bilateral dialogue between EU and Thai governments, we argue that Thailand's fisheries reform was a result of both fisheries’ sustainability concerns and the kind of labour rights valued by the EU. Our Normative Power Europe approach shows how norms of labour rights shaped the reform through policies and implementation. We maintain that this unique case-study reveals how the EU incorporates a broad-based normative approach that goes beyond catch sustainability.
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| 2. |
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| 3. |
- Gray, Harriet, 1983, et al.
(författare)
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Torture and sexual violence in war and conflict: The unmaking and remaking of subjects of violence
- 2020
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Ingår i: Review of International Studies. - 0260-2105. ; 46:2
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Despite the wide repository of knowledge about conflict-related sexual violence that now exists, there remains a lack of understanding about how victims/survivors of such violence themselves make sense of and frame their experiences in conversation with global and local discourses and with the categorisations that underpin support programmes. Such sense-making is important not only because the ways in which violence is categorised shape a victim/survivor's ability to access particular forms of recognition and support, but also because it is central in how shattered selves and worlds are remade in the aftermath of violence. Drawing on individual and group interviews conducted with refugees living in Kampala, Uganda, this article charts how framings of ‘torture’ and ‘sexual violence’ become meaningful in participants’ accounts in the (re)formation of themselves as subjects after violent victimisation. We trace how participants navigate the heteronormative societal and legal norms that shape their subjectivity and the effects of the violence they experienced through the deeply gendered and political work that these terms do in their narratives. Our analysis thus highlights and reminds us to pay attention to the political stakes involved in fluid processes of categorising injury.
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| 4. |
- Kao, Kristen, et al.
(författare)
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Female Electability in the Arab World: The Advantages of Intersectionality
- 2021
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Ingår i: Comparative politics. - 0010-4159. ; 53:3, s. 427-464
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Many studies of women’s electability in the developing world focus on single traits such as gender, ethnicity, or religion. Employing an original survey experiment in Jordan, we examine the impacts of multiple, intersecting candidate identities on voter preferences. We show empirically that existing theories of electoral behavior alone cannot account for women’s electability. An intersectional lens that considers how power structures shape electability and produce complex effects that must be empirically verified in different contexts is needed. Although less electable overall, female candidates fare as well as males from similar social identity groups. Our findings underscore the need to apply intersectionality to theories of electoral behavior in the developing world and lay the groundwork for a larger research agenda explaining women’s electability in Arab elections.
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| 5. |
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| 6. |
- Hellström, Anders, et al.
(författare)
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Nostalgia and Hope : Narrative Master Frames Across Contemporary Europe
- 2020
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Ingår i: Nostalgia and Hope: Intersections between Politics of Culture, Welfare, and Migration in Europe. - Cham : Springer International Publishing. - 2364-4087 .- 2364-4095. - 9783030416942 - 9783030416935 ; , s. 1-16
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- After the fall of the Berlin wall and the end of the Cold War, a certain sense of optimism swept across Europe. Some 25 years later, everything seems radically different. With the considerable inroads made into mainstream politics by right-wing populist parties across the continent, there is no shortage of gloom and worry. Nevertheless, despite numerous examples of retrogressive forms of mobilization, there are also many cases of progressive mobilization. To capture this dynamic complexity, we posit politics as a site of struggle that constitutes an arena for the conflicting demands of the two master frames of nostalgia and hope. Following this logic of a polarized political terrain, the volume is divided into three parts that address both right-wing populist politics across Europe (Part I) and politics beyond party politics through either retrogressive mobilization (Part II) or emancipatory initiatives (Part III).
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| 7. |
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Nostalgia and Hope: Intersections between Politics of Culture, Welfare, and Migration in Europe
- 2020
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Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (refereegranskat)abstract
- This open access book shows how the politics of migration affect community building in the 21st century, drawing on both retrogressive and progressive forms of mobilization. It elaborates theoretically and shows empirically how the two master frames of nostalgia and hope are used in local, national and transnational settings, in and outside conventional forms of doing politics. It expands on polarized societal processes and external events relevant for the transformation of European welfare systems and the reproduction of national identities today. It evidences the importance of gender in the narrative use of the master frames of nostalgia and hope, either as an ideological tool for right-wing populist and extreme right retrogressive mobilization or as an essential element of progressive intersectional politics of hope. It uses both comparative and single case studies to address different perspectives, and by means of various methodological approaches, the manner in which the master frames of nostalgia and hope are articulated in the politics of culture, welfare, and migration. The book is organized around three thematic sections whereby the first section deals with right-wing populist party politics across Europe, the second section deals with an articulation of politics beyond party politics by means of retrogressive mobilization, and the third and last section deals with emancipatory initiatives beyond party politics as well.
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| 8. |
- Andersson, Ulrika, 1977, et al.
(författare)
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Stabilt stöd för EU under pandemin, men osäkerhet kring riktningen. Europapolitisk analys
- 2021
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Rapport (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- En viss nedgång i svenskarnas stöd för EU går att spåra i opinionen under pandemin. Färre är för medlemskapet, något fler är för att lämna unionen och den allmänna inställningen till EU är aningen mer negativ. Opinionen ligger visserligen kvar på nivåer som är historiskt höga, men det är tydligt att de senaste årens ökande stöd nu har avstannat och till och med sjunker något. Det finns även en fortsatt stark opinion bland svenskarna emot att utöka den makt och de befogenheter EU har. Ett stort motstånd finns mot såväl att införa euro i Sverige som att unionen ska ha en gemensam finanspolitik och en EU-armé. Trots detta anser svenskarna att EU-medlemskapet har haft positiva effekter inom militär säkerhet, miljö, sysselsättning, ekonomi, jämställdhet och jordbruk. Enbart i frågan om invandring anses det att EU har haft en negativ påverkan, men under de senaste åren syns också en tillbakagång i åsikten om medlemskapets positiva påverkan på brottsbekämpningen. Svenskarna vill trots allt att EU ska kunna stå starkt mot USA i världspolitiken, en paradox sett till det stora motstånd som finns mot att ge unionen mer befogenheter. Det återstår att se hur detta läge utvecklas när EU agerar för allt fler befogenheter och svenskarna mer aktivt måste ta ställning till frågor om utökad integration.
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| 9. |
- Lust, Ellen, 1966, et al.
(författare)
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Historical Legacies, Social Cleavages, and Support for Political Islam
- 2021
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Ingår i: The Oxford Handbook of Politics in Muslim Societies. - Oxford : Oxford University Press. - 9780190931056
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Much has been written on political advantages conferred to Islamist parties. These advantages are often viewed as resulting from the parties’ organizational strength, their economic policies, or the expected material benefits they award. The role of religion in motivating Islamist support has been largely underplayed, and even less attention has been given to the various dimensions of Islam. This gap in the research remains conspicuous, as evidence from European, African, and American contexts point to a very real relationship between various facets of religion and electoral patterns. This chapter reviews how historical legacies and social conditions in Tunisia, Libya, and Egypt have shaped electoral behavior, including the ways in which organizational, economic, or religious factors are associated with Islamist support. Employing original survey data, it investigates the dominant explanations of electoral support as well as the influence of three religious factors—religious identity, practice, and preferences toward the role of Islam in the state. We find evidence in all three countries that citizens’ preferences for a role of religion in the state is strongly correlated with voting for Islamist parties. In Tunisia, religious practice was also significantly associated with support for Islamists. Religious identity was never significant in our cases, however. Attitudes toward party organization and toward service provision were associated with Islamist support in Tunisia and Libya, respectively. Importantly, religious factors were more consistently related to Islamist support than the organizational, economic, and material incentives that have been given so much attention elsewhere.
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| 10. |
- Doyle, Lindsey, et al.
(författare)
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Talks before the talks : Effects of pre-negotiation on reaching peace agreements in intrastate armed conflicts, 2005-15
- 2021
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Ingår i: Journal of Peace Research. - : Sage Publications. - 0022-3433 .- 1460-3578. ; 58:2, s. 231-247
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Pre-negotiation is widely accepted as a means to convince intrastate conflict parties to negotiate formally; however, research has not yet established a causal link between early efforts to bring warring parties together and the outcome of any negotiated settlement. This gap begs the question: To what extent do activities during the pre-negotiation phase contribute to the signing of a peace agreement? Theory on interstate conflict suggests that pre-negotiation reduces risk, thereby convincing conflict parties that they have more to gain from negotiating than from fighting. However, in conflicts between governments and non-state armed actors, this article argues that reciprocity paves the way for reaching peace agreements. This article introduces a new dataset on pre-negotiation including nearly all intrastate armed conflicts between 2005 and 2015. Confirming previous findings, mediation is significantly and positively correlated with reaching a type of peace agreement; conflicts over government are more likely to end in a negotiated agreement than conflicts over territory or both government and territory. In contrast to existing qualitative research, this study finds little evidence that pre-negotiation increases the likelihood that conflict dyads sign peace agreements. Future quantitative research on this topic requires more nuanced measures of the conditions under which conflict parties shift from unilateral to joint decisionmaking.
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