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- Eriksson, Arita, 1974-
(author)
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Europeanization and Governance in Defence Policy : The Example of Sweden
- 2006
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Doctoral thesis (other academic/artistic)abstract
- This thesis explores the Swedish Europeanization process with respect to defence policy with the help of analytical tools from policy analysis. The time period studied is 1999–2004. Europeanization is defined as embeddedness, that is, linkages between the national and the European policy processes, and these linkages are conceptualized as participation, problems and solutions. The thesis seeks to analyse the modes of governance that characterizes the Europeanization process and discusses its results in relation to Europeanization mechanisms and the concept of European governance. It also elaborates on the implications of Europeanization for Swedish defence policy.Europeanization of participation is found with respect to a number of forums—decision making, implementation and external relations. Participants in the Europeanization process are identified as well as a reorganization of some of the patterns of participation in the Swedish defence policy process. The Europeanization of problems found is at first focused more on security policy issues than defence policy issues, but gradually the latter also become Europeanized, a process which is made visible in the political language of the defence policy bills studied. The main solutions identified in the Europeanization process are the creation of an EU military capability, the establishment of decision-making structures, capability requirements and capability development.The Europeanization process in the area of defence policy is found to be characterized by a mix of modes of governance. Various parts of the process contain elements of bargaining, hierarchy and facilitated coordination. The modes of governance may co-exist and change over time.
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- Sjögren, Anders, 1968-
(author)
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Between Militarism and Technocratic Governance : State Formation in Contemporary Uganda
- 2007
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Doctoral thesis (other academic/artistic)abstract
- State-civil society relations in Africa have during recent decades been transformed in the context of economic liberalisation and state reform. This study explores state-civil society relations in contemporary Uganda, from 1986 to the present, in order to illustrate and explain the scope for and capacity of different social forces to create access to and democratise the state. The study interrogates state-civil society relations under the present National Resistance Movement government as these are expressed through forms of interest representation and conflict regulation in different political arenas. It analyses the theoretical problem through an empirical study of the health sector at both national and local levels. Changes in the health regime - the rules and practices that regulate health politics - are analysed by a historical reconstruction of how different health regimes evolved from demands from social forces on the colonial and post- colonial state, in relation to broader patterns of political change. The ruling political coalition from 1986 has promoted a model for capitalist development based on donor-driven economic growth, institutional reform and political monopoly – what is referred to in the study as technocratic governance. Throughout, however, the technocratic tendency has been shaped in relation to the political economy of militarism as a more openly repressive form of authoritarian rule. The study argues that limits to democratisation of state- society relations within the health sector and of Ugandan politics at large are best explained by relations of domination in society, within the state and among external political forces. The main finding is that democratisation of the state has been resisted by ruling groups, and therefore restricted.
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4. |
- Agné, Hans, 1970-
(author)
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Democracy Reconsidered : Britain, France, Sweden, and the EU
- 2004
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Doctoral thesis (other academic/artistic)abstract
- The purpose of this thesis is to investigate whether some positions in democratic theory should be adjusted or abandoned in view of internationalisation; and if adjusted, how. More specifically it pursues three different aims: to evaluate various attempts to explain levels of democracy as consequences of internationalisation; to investigate whether the taking into account of internationalisation reveals any reason to reconsider what democracy is or means; and to suggest normative interpretations that cohere with the adjustments of conceptual and explanatory democratic theory made in the course of meeting the other two aims.When empirical methods are used, the scope of the study is restricted to West European parliamentary democracies and their international affairs. More particularly, the focus is on the making of budget policy in Britain, France, and Sweden after the Second World War, and recent budget policy in the European Union. The aspects of democracy empirically analysed are political autonomy, participation, and deliberation. The material considered includes parliamentary debates, official statistics, economic forecasts, elections manifestos, shadow budgets, general election turnouts, regulations of budget decision-making, and staff numbers in government and parliament budgetary divisions. The study reaches the following conclusions among others. (i) The fact that internationalisation increases the divergence between those who make and those who are affected by decisions is not by itself a democratic problem that calls for political reform. (ii) That international organisations may have authorities delegated to them from democratic states is not sufficient to justify them democratically. Democratisation still needs to be undertaken. (iii) The fear that internationalisation dissolves a social trust necessary for political deliberation within nations seems to be unwarranted. If anything, views argued by others in domestic budgetary debate are taken increasingly serious during internationalisation. (iv) The major difficulty with deliberation seems to be its inability to transcend national boundaries. International deliberation at state level has not evolved in response to internationalisation and it is undeveloped in international institutions. (v) Democratic political autonomy diminishes during internationalisation with regard to income redistribution and policy areas taken over by international organisations, but it seems to increase in public spending. (vi) In the area of budget policy-making there are no signs that governments gain power at the expense of parliaments during internationalisation. (vii) To identify crucial democratic issues in a time of internationalisation and to make room for theoretical virtues like general applicability and normative fruitfulness, democracy may be defined as a kind of politics where as many as possible decide as much as possible.
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6. |
- Ahmedi, Idris, 1979-
(author)
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The Remaking of American Strategy toward Iran and Iraq : Outline of a Theory of Foreign Policy Change
- 2013
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Doctoral thesis (other academic/artistic)abstract
- This study sets out to develop a realist-constructivist theory of foreign policy change. The theory claims that whenever policymakers believe that the distribution of power favors an expansive grand strategy or necessitates retrenchment, they will act accordingly. Similarly, when policymakers revise their images of other states – that is, whether they view them as hostile or friendly – change in existing strategy will follow.The historical record of the (re)making of American strategy toward the Persian Gulf lends support to the theory. After having relied on pro-American Iran to balance Iraq in the region in the 1970s, Washington “tilted” toward Iraq to prevent post-revolutionary Islamic Iran from achieving victory in the ensuing war between the two regional powers in the 1980s. This offshore balancing strategy during the Cold War bipolar distribution of power gave way to the simultaneous containment of these regional adversaries in the post-Cold War unipolar era. However, some years after the adoption of this new strategy, it underwent a shift. Whereas concerted efforts were made to normalize relations with Iran after the presidential victory of a “reformist” candidate, Mohammad Khatami, the Clinton administration eventually adopted regime change as official policy toward Iraq. In the wake of the September 11, 2001 attacks on American soil, the George W. Bush administration endorsed a strategy of forcible regime change and democracy promotion, leading to the invasion of Iraq in 2003.Over time, U.S. strategy toward these two regional powers has become more expansive – from offshore balancing limited to checking their outward expansion, to containment aimed at facilitating alteration in their policies, to outright regime change policy. However, with the erosion of unipolarity and the superpower’s retrenchment in the Middle East, we may witness a return to offshore balancing in combination with containment of a perceived hostile Iran.
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8. |
- Alnevall, Christina, 1966-
(author)
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Women’s Discursive Representation : Women as Political Representatives, Mothers, and Victims of Men’s Violence in the Mexican Parliament
- 2020
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Doctoral thesis (other academic/artistic)abstract
- This thesis examines how Mexican women political representatives are constituted through parliamentary language in the national Chamber of Deputies during a time when compulsory electoral gender quotas are introduced. Women’s political representation has increased considerably worldwide, due to gender quotas or laws requiring guaranteed seats for women. Mexico, which is the case studied in the dissertation, is one example where a significant growth in the number of elected female politicians have increased due to an electoral quota law. However, despite this development women parliamentarians are still reported to face obstacles when in office. Drawing on the ‘representative claims’ theory and critical discourse studies, this study seeks to understand how constructions of women hinder as well as provide opportunities for female politicians. The dissertation develops a theoretical and methodological framework that makes it possible to identify and analyze the representative claims and the subject positions that are constituted by these claims.The empirical section analyzes records of debates in the Mexican parliaments from two periods, one before and one after the implementation of the 2002 electoral quota law, which is a major change in the Mexican political system. The construction of the three subject positions women as representatives, women as mothers and women as victims of men’s violence are detailed. Focusing on the constitutive aspects of representation, as the dissertation seeks to understand how the construction of these three subject positions affect what female politicians can say and do in parliament.Previous research on women’s political representation has offered a rich understanding of descriptive, substantive, and symbolic representation. This study broadens the field further by introducing the discursive representation approach, which contribute to the understanding of the obstacles women politicians (still) meet. The study uncovers how Mexican women are situated in a political context dominated by men, in which they constantly have to negotiate their presence.
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- Alpay, Sahin
(author)
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Turkar i Stockholm : En studie av invandrare, politik och samhälle
- 1980
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Doctoral thesis (other academic/artistic)abstract
- The present study which is a product of the research project "Political Resocialization of Immigrants (PRI)" carried out at the Political Science Department of the Stockholm University is based primarily on interviews in 1976 with Turkish immigrants in the 18—67 age group domiciled in the Stockholm municipality. The questions this study addresses itself are: — Which pre-migration and migration characteristics of Turkish immigrants in Stockholm are of special importance with respect to their political resocialization? — What are the living conditions of Turks in Stockholm and what are their perceptions and subjective evaluations of these conditions? — In what ways and to what extent do Turks participate in politics in Sweden? — What are the consequences of Turkish immigrants' background characteristics, living conditions and subjective evaluations of these conditions for their political resocialization? The study consists of nine chapters. The first three provide an introduction to this field of research, a discussion of theoretical points of departure, and an account of methods of data-collection. Next two chapters give background information on emigration from Turkey and immigration to Sweden and Stockholm. Chapter six presents data on the Turks' living conditions. They appear to be highly concentrated in the unskilled manual occupations and certain residential areas. Their social contacts are largely limited to relations with fellow countrymen, and they display very poor knowledge of the Swedish language. Chapter seven gives data on the Turks' perceptions and subjective evaluations of their living conditions. Results reveal a relatively high degree of satisfaction primarily with the material welfare they have attained in Sweden, and a rather strong attachment to Turkish culture and identity. Chapter eight discusses the political-cultural background of Turks and provides data on their political participation in Sweden. Findings indicate lower levels of political information, exposure, interest and activity among the Turks as compared to other immigrant groups under study in the PRI-project. The final chapter summarizes the results of the study which show that the political resocialization of Turkish immigrants has so far made little progress. Their political-cultural background characteristics and their living conditions in Stockholm are closely related with their political relearning.
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10. |
- Andersson, Catrin, 1970-
(author)
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Tudelad trots allt : dualismens överlevnad i den svenska staten 1718-1987
- 2004
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Doctoral thesis (other academic/artistic)abstract
- On May 1, 1720 the Swedish Riksdag took a seemingly peripheral decision which would however prove to have great and enduring consequences for the organization of the country’s central state administration. The model adopted then is today often referred to as the ‘dualism’ of the Swedish state. In international comparison this dualism – expressed primarily in the organizational division between a set of quite small ministries and a large number of autonomous government agencies in combination with the constitutional prohibition of individual ministers to issue authoritative orders to the agencies – is probably unique.This dualism has been characterized as “one of the great mysteries of Swedish political life” and one aspect of this mysteriousness concerns its very longevity. The main research question of this thesis is why this model has been able to survive for such a long period despite the heavy and recurring critique that has been levelled at it. Through analyses of the public debate on the issue of the dualist character of the Swedish state during four selected periods (1809-1829, 1905-1920, 1963-1972 and 1983-1987) when the critical voices have been particularly loud and articulate, a systematic picture is provided of both the participants and the argument of the debates. It is shown that critics of dualism have blamed it for being “anti-democratic”, “antiquated”, and “a threat against the rule of law” while defenders of dualism have often portrayed it as “modern”, “effective”, and “a guarantee for the rule of law”.The answer to the main research question of why the political institution of dualism has persisted for so long may briefly be summarized in the statement that it has survived by changing. In theoretical terms the thesis is inspired by historical institutionalism, a tradition which has so far mostly contributed to our understanding of institutional stability. Recently, however, theoretical developments in historical institutionalism have rather aimed at an improved analysis of change. This thesis appropriates these new ideas, especially those developed by political scientist Kathleen Thelen, in the analysis of Swedish dualism. In particular the two concepts of institutional conversion and institutional layering are tested. In the thesis it is argued that the new analytical tools were indeed instrumental in understanding and explaining institutional change but also that further elaboration of them seems necessary. Using a both longitudinal and process-oriented approach focussing on the arguments of the actors this thesis has contributed to such an elaboration of the tools for the analysis of change within the tradition of historical institutionalism.
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