| 1. |
- Anthonsen, Mette, 1972, et al.
(author)
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Social democrats, unions and corporatism: Denmark and Sweden compared
- 2011
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In: Party Politics. - 1354-0688. ; 17:1, s. 118-134
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- A number of recent studies have documented weakening ties between social democratic parties and trade unions. This article is concerned with the effects of weakening party–union ties on policymaking. In many classic studies of corporatism it has been argued that this mode of policymaking depends on strong ties between social democratic parties and trade unions. In this article, we argue, in contrast, that strong party–union ties are potentially detrimental to corporatism, because in a polarized political environment unions may be tempted to exert political influence via political allies instead of bargaining with their counterparts. In order to evaluate this argument empirically, we present a detailed analysis of two countries with strong corporatist traditions (Denmark and Sweden) from the 1970s to the 1990s.
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| 2. |
- Anthonsen, Mette, et al.
(author)
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Unions, Social Democrats, and Corporatism. Denmark and Sweden Compared
- 2011
-
In: Party Politics. - : SAGE Publications. - 1460-3683 .- 1354-0688. ; 17:1, s. 118-134
-
Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- A number of recent studies have documented weakening ties between social democratic parties and trade unions. This article is concerned with the effects of weakening party— union ties on policymaking. In many classic studies of corporatism it has been argued that this mode of policymaking depends on strong ties between social democratic parties and trade unions. In this article, we argue, in contrast, that strong party—union ties are potentially detrimental to corporatism, because in a polarized political environment unions may be tempted to exert political influence via political allies instead of bargaining with their counterparts. In order to evaluate this argument empirically, we present a detailed analysis of two countries with strong corporatist traditions (Denmark and Sweden) from the 1970s to the 1990s.
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| 3. |
- Aylott, Nicholas
(author)
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After the Divorce : Social Democrats and Trade Unions in Sweden
- 2003
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In: Party Politics. - : SAGE Publications. - 1354-0688 .- 1460-3683. ; 9:3, s. 369-390
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Well-known theories of party organization and behaviour suggest that the mass parties of Western Europe have evolved into new models, with more powerful and autonomous leaderships and weaker memberships and collateral organizations. However, these theories have not really been tested in in-depth case studies - particularly beyond the national level of the parties. This article examines the mass party par excellence, the Swedish Social Democratic Party and focuses on the party’s traditionally close relationship with the blue-collar trade unions. There is evidence to support the theories of party change, but these organizational developments are patchy at the local level. Moreover, various data deployed in support of the theories may be understating the enduring influence of collateral organizations within parties.
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| 4. |
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| 5. |
- Aylott, Nicholas
(author)
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Let’s Discuss this Later : Party Responses to Euro-division in Scandinavia
- 2002
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In: Party Politics. - : SAGE Publications. - 1354-0688 .- 1460-3683. ; 8, s. 441-461
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- The issue of European integration has disrupted party politics in Denmark, Norway and Sweden in various ways. This article assesses the impact of internal division over Europe within certain parties, and these parties’ responses to it. It is argued that party leaderships have increasingly attempted to compartmentalize the different arenas in which they operate, and to isolate potentially damaging European questions in quarantined areas. This can be observed in, for example, party leaders’ resort to referendums to decide contentious EU-related matters, the suspension of party discipline when such matters are debated and the careful sequencing of different party goals. The experiences of the Scandinavian social democratic parties are examined as comparative cases. Finally, some hypotheses that might inform further research are suggested, and some wider consequences of these strategies of compartmentalization are discussed.
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| 6. |
- Aylott, Nicholas, 1970-, et al.
(author)
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Managed Intra-Party Democracy : Precursory Delegation and Party Leader Selection
- 2017
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In: Party Politics. - : SAGE Publications. - 1354-0688 .- 1460-3683. ; 23:1, s. 55-65
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- The question of how party leaders are selected has recently, and belatedly, come under systematic comparative scrutiny. If it is the location of intra-party power that interests us, however, it might be that some of the more observable indicators in such processes, such as the identity of the selectorate, are not actually the most revealing ones. Using a delegation perspective, we thus present a framework for analysing prior steps in leader selection and relate it to various ideal-typical constellations of intra-party power. The framework encompasses, first, what we call precursory delegation, with focus especially on an agent that, formally or informally, manages the selection process before it reaches the selectorate. Second, the framework takes account of the degree to which the process is managed rather than left open to free competition between leader candidates. We illustrate the framework primarily with instances of leader selection in two Swedish parties.
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| 7. |
- Bakker, Ryan, et al.
(author)
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Measuring party positions in Europe: The Chapel Hill expert survey trend file, 1999–2010
- 2015
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In: Party Politics. - : SAGE Publications. - 1354-0688 .- 1460-3683. ; 21:1
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- This article reports on the 2010 Chapel Hill expert surveys (CHES) and introduces the CHES trend file, which contains measures of national party positioning on European integration, ideology and several European Union (EU) and non-EU policies for 1999-2010. We examine the reliability of expert judgments and cross-validate the 2010 CHES data with data from the Comparative Manifesto Project and the 2009 Eur- opean Elections Studies survey, and explore basic trends on party positioning since 1999. The dataset is available at the CHES website.
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| 8. |
- Bale, Tim, et al.
(author)
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A Taste of Honey Is Worse Than None at All?
- 2006
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In: Party Politics. - : SAGE Publications. - 1354-0688 .- 1460-3683. ; 12:2, s. 189-202
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Some parties support rather than join the executive, thereby operating in a grey area between opposition and office – in governance but not in government. Previous research on the New Zealand Greens’ experience as a support party has shown that this liminal position may prove a blessing or a curse – or, more likely, a mixture of both. This article compares the experience of the Swedish Greens. While the Swedish party gained more on policy, it suffered the same frustrations as its Kiwi counterpart with regard to consultation, to the media and to a government that could potentially find support elsewhere. It, too, avoided overwhelming internal tensions, but was likewise left wanting more. Neither party broke into government at the next election, but tried to put lessons learned into practice when supporting centre–left cabinets once again. That the challenges encountered were so similar suggests the possibility that they are common to support parties elsewhere.
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| 9. |
- Bale, Tim, et al.
(author)
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A taste of honey is worse than none at all? : generic challenges of support party status in Sweden and New Zealand
- 2006
-
In: Party Politics. - : SAGE Publications. - 1354-0688 .- 1460-3683. ; 12:2, s. 189-209
-
Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Some parties support rather than join the executive, thereby operating in a grey area between opposition and office – in governance but not in government. Previous research on the New Zealand Greens’ experience as a support party has shown that this liminal position may prove a blessing or a curse – or, more likely, a mixture of both. This article compares the experience of the Swedish Greens. While the Swedish party gained more on policy, it suffered the same frustrations as its Kiwi counterpart with regard to consultation, to the media and to a government that could potentially find support elsewhere. It, too, avoided overwhelming internal tensions, but was likewise left wanting more. Neither party broke into government at the next election, but tried to put lessons learned into practice when supporting centre–left cabinets once again. That the challenges encountered were so similar suggests the possibility that they are common to support parties elsewhere.
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| 10. |
- Bjarnegård, Elin, 1976-, et al.
(author)
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Political parties, formal selection criteria, and gendered parliamentary representation
- 2019
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In: Party Politics. - : SAGE Publications. - 1354-0688 .- 1460-3683. ; 25:3, s. 325-335
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Political parties sometimes set up formal criteria to define the pool of potential candidates. This article represents the first large-scale comparative analysis of potential unintended gendered consequences of these formal selection criteria for parliamentary representation. Using unique data on 101 political parties in 32 African, Asian, and postcommunist European countries, we find that there is indeed a relationship between formal selection criteria and men's and women's political representation. Criteria that concern ethnic or geographic background and intraparty experiences are harmful to women. On the other hand, gendered consequences are not as pronounced as a result of criteria concerning qualifications or requirements in relation to electability. Taken together, the analysis points to the need to pay increased attention to formal selection criteria and how this under-researched aspect of candidate selection shapes the parliamentary representation of underrepresented groups.
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