| 1. |
|
|
| 2. |
- Bågenholm, Andreas, 1969, et al.
(author)
-
A New Road to Electoral Success. Incentive structures, elite strategies and the emergence of new political parties in the Baltic States
- 2009
-
In: Workshop om nya politiska partiers framgång i Central- och Östeuropa i Göteborg den 15-16 juni 2009..
-
Conference paper (other academic/artistic)abstract
- This paper deals with immediate and large scale success of new political parties. Between 2002 and 2004, newly formed parties won three consecutive parliamentary elections in the Baltic States (New Era in Latvia in 2002, Res Publica in Estonia in 2003 and Labour Party in Lithuania in 2004). The aim of the paper is to explain why this happened. We argue that these parties do not fit into the categories of new parties that are established in the literature. Therefore, we focus the comparison on two issues: the incentive structures (socio-economics, level of corruption, political scandal, institutional framework) and the electoral strategies undertaken by the party leaderships. The latter analyses are primarily based on elite interviews.
|
|
| 3. |
|
|
| 4. |
|
|
| 5. |
- Bågenholm, Andreas, 1969, et al.
(author)
-
Introduction: Quality of Government: Why-What-How
- 2021
-
In: The Oxford Handbook of Quality of Government (eds. Andreas Bågenholm, Monika Bauhr, Marcia Grimes and Bo Rothstein). Oxford: Oxford University Press.. - : Oxford University Press. - 9780198858218
-
Book chapter (other academic/artistic)
|
|
| 6. |
|
|
| 7. |
- Bågenholm, Andreas, 1969, et al.
(author)
-
Why are the post-communist party systems not stabilizing?
- 2013
-
In: ECPR Joint Sessions in Mainz, Workshop 31: Party System Dynamics. New Tools for the Study of Party System Change and Party Transformation, March 12-16, 2013..
-
Conference paper (other academic/artistic)abstract
- The party system development in Central and Eastern Europe after the fall of the Berlin wall has put focus on the question what it takes for party systems in newly established democracies to stabilize. Some scholars have argued that party system stabilization will follow more or less automatically as time elapse and democracy consolidates, whereas others have pointed to a number of factors which sustain the level of instability. In this paper we analyze party system stability in the ten post-communist EU-member states between 1990 and 2012. The study is based on data from the 68 parliamentary elections held since the first multiparty elections in 1990. We use three indicators to capture the extent of party system stability: electoral volatility, support for new and splinter parties and the number of parties entering and exiting parliament. The first aim of the paper is to compare the level of party system stability temporally as well as between the countries. The results show that the level of instability is consistently high in the region in almost all countries and that there are few indications of stabilization. Estonia and Poland are the only exceptions to this trend. The second aim is to explain why stabilization does not seem to occur in the region. We argue that the main reason is because of what we call a logic of (asymmetric) path dependency, which implies that previous instability breeds continued instability. Both economic performance and level of corruption becomes insignificant when controlling for the level of electoral volatility in the previous as well as the mean level of volatility in the two previous elections. If these results hold in further tests, we can expect party system instability to prevail in most of the CEE countries for the foreseeable future, regardless of the governments’ performances.
|
|
| 8. |
|
|
| 9. |
- Alexander, Amy C, et al.
(author)
-
Are women more likely tothrow therascals out? The mobilizing effect ofsocial service spending onfemale voters
- 2020
-
In: Public Choice. - : Springer Science and Business Media LLC. - 0048-5829 .- 1573-7101. ; 184, s. 235-261
-
Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- This study focuses on gender differences in voter reactions to a corruption scandal in one’s preferred party. We analyze, in a framework of ‘exit, voice and loyalty’, whether women differ from men in terms of turnout (exit), and given that they vote, whether they prefer a clean alternative party (voice) or whether they continue to vote for their preferred party (loyalty) involved in a corruption scandal. We employ sequential logit models using data from the European Quality of Government Index (EQI) survey from 2017, which contains roughly 77,000 respondents from 21 EU countries and 185 regions. We find that women generally are less tolerant of corruption, but that the effect is highly conditional. In areas where social service spending is more widespread, we find that female respondents are more likely to vote for an alternative party. Yet the odds of exit increase among women when social service spending is lower.
|
|
| 10. |
- Bågenholm, Andreas, 1969, et al.
(author)
-
Accountable or Untouchable? Electoral accountability in Romanian local elections
- 2020
-
In: Electoral Studies. - : Elsevier BV. - 0261-3794. ; 66
-
Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- While retrospective models of voting posit that voters should “vote the rascals out”, a wave of recent research has found that this is rarely the case. We investigate this question in a context in which many sitting politicians have recently been indicted on corruption charges – the municipal level in Romania, a surprisingly under-researched case in this sub-field. Romania provides a good case for electoral accountability. Not only do Romanians deeply detest corruption, the party system also contains many parties that would make it easy for voters to switch from a corrupt to a cleaner alternative. We collected an original data register of electoral and socio-political data on roughly 3200 localities together with all cases of corruption charges published by the Romanian anti-corruption agency, the Direcţia Naţională Anticorupţie (DNA), accounting for magnitude and timing of the scandal as well as the judicial outcome for the indicted mayor. In all, we find that 81 sitting mayors elected in 2012 were charged with corruption prior to the 2016 election. We test the electoral impact of corruption on the incumbent mayors on four outcomes indicating electoral accountability commonly used in the literature – retirement, vote share compared to the previous election, voter turnout, and reelection using difference and difference and a pairwise matching designs, inter alia. The results show that Romanians do punish their corrupt incumbent mayors to a quite high extent compared to the clean mayors. However, due to the large vote margins, the punishment is not severe enough to make them lose more often than similar “clean‟ mayors, although they tend to not run for re-election at much higher rates. Turnout is unaffected by corruption at the municipal level. In line with previous results, we thus find a certain amount of electoral accountability, but not to the extent that the ‘rascals are thrown out’.
|
|
