| 1. |
|
|
| 2. |
- Weimarck, Ann-Charlotte, et al.
(author)
-
Lergodset från Höganäsbolaget 1832-1926
- 2005
-
Book (other academic/artistic)abstract
- Two hundred year's ago, Höganä's, a town situated in the north-west part of the county of Skåne, about 20 km north of the city of Helsingborg, had no local pottery tradition's. Höganä's wa's then a tiny fishing village that even lacked a harbour. Coal had now and then been quarried from an opencast mine and the local inhabitant's had collected it from the beach at low tide for their personal need's. When the mining industry started in 1797 and, with time, even the production of earthenware (1832), capital, labour, technology and pot design's were typically fetched from elsewhere. A's well a's the customer's. Nothing of thi's wa's to be found in Höganä's. The capital came from partie's interested in the mining, earthenware and brick industrie's. Here, in particular, Erik Ruuth, the Minister of Finance in Gustav III’'s parliament, wa's engaged. In 1786 he had bought the privilege's for mining coal in north-west Skåne, and at the same time established the earthenware factory, Ulfsunda, outside Stockholm where clay from the mining in Skåne wa's used. In 1792 large amount's of clay were found between thin seam's of coal in Höganä's and Ruuth brought in the mining engineer, Thoma's Stawford, from Newcastle in view of the coal mining that wa's the focu's of interest. Stawford brought with him not only mining technology to Höganä's from hi's native country but also something that resembled a town plan, including prototype's for worker's’ dwelling's. Coal mining in Höganä's wa's not a successful venture; the coal wa's difficult to mine and of poor quality and in the end attempt's were made to save the enterprise by starting to use the clay for the production of brick's and roofing tile's a's well – and from 1832 even earthenware. The kiln's were fired with coal from the mine's. In Höganä's there wa's hardly any local labour for either the mining or the earthenware factory. Russian prisoner's-of-war and children from orphanage's in Gothenburg, among other's, were used to work in the mine's. And at the start of the 1830's the population censu's show's that potter's from Ängelholm and other town's in Skåne had been induced to move here. But the potter's in the newly established pottery work's would hardly have produced pot's like those they had been making in their previou's home town's. The piece's that were to be produced in Höganä's differed from the pottery made in the neighbouring town's under the constraint's of the local guild's with their often old-fashioned, traditional idiom's. From the outset, the focu's wa's on good's that would suit the mas's-production of more anonymou's and standardized kind's of article's for the growing market for the middle-classe's. A's early a's 1798 Ruuth sold the factory in Ulfsunda and established the Helsingborg Stoneware Factory that at the time wa's the only one in Sweden to manufacture brown, salt-glazed stoneware, chiefly household good's. In Höganä's, production of thi's type of salt-glazed stoneware wa's also started in 1835. A's with the technology, most of the model's produced at the pottery during the first decade's came from England, either directly or indirectly. However, these did not come from Newcastle in the northeast, Stawford’'s home town, but from the west Midland's and the cluster of small town's that are today amalgamated into The Potterie's, the cradle of the English industrial revolution. Here there wa's a rich flora of, in particular, ceramic industrie's a's well a's a combination of coal, clay, technology, transportation route's, market's – condition's similar to those that were also to be found in Höganä's in the 1800's. But in actual fact it wa's a German porcelain potter, Carl Berger, who during the period of 1830-32 produced the first trial serie's of earthenware good's at the factory in Höganä's. Berger had most recently been working a's the foreman at the Gustavsberg factory where hi's task had been to experiment with flintware suitable for tableware and printed decoration. At Höganä's, Berger wa's to develop yellow lead-glazed ware that can be seen a's a simpler and more brittle imitation of the English flintware. A's far a's can be judged, Berger also contributed with a number of design's, reflecting English one's taken from hi's previou's activitie's at the Gustavsberg work's. During the very first year's of hi's employment at Höganä's simpler ornamental piece's were also being produced both in unglazed yellow earthenware and in black stoneware similar to basalt ware. The product's from Höganä's during the next two decade's consisted in both unglazed and lead-glazed earthenware and, from 1835, in salt-glazed ware in an increasing number of different design's. The earliest printed catalogue's (1835) cover a wide array of article's: drinking mug's, pot's with and without lip's, jam jar's, apothecary pot's, mustard pot's, serving dishe's, milk bowl's, soup terrine's, cooking pot's, flower pot's, bowl's, basin's, toilet set's, food basin's, chamber pot's, plate's, saucer's, butter dishe's, tea and coffee pot's, cream jug's, jelly mould's, soap dishe's, pipe bowl's, inkpot's, sand boxe's, small plate's, salad bowl's, deep dishe's, coffee cup's (with or without ear's), writing set's, flour sieve's, colander's, candlestick's, lamp's, salt cellar's, pepper pot's, doll's, water carafe's, oil flask's, mustard jar's, bidet's, medicine spoon's, sauce boat's, sugar bowl's… The list end's with a number of “toy's” (i.e. miniature's). In addition, there are brick's, roofing tile's, ornament's for building's etc. The range of model's on the whole goe's back to English prototype's in flintware which are also found in a number of variation's at quite a number of factorie's round the Baltic at thi's time. There are strong connection's particularly with the factorie's in Denmark such a's Ipsen's Enke, Herman A. Kähler a's well a's the Spietz and the Søholm work's on the Danish island of Bornholm out in the Baltic Sea. Moreover, many of the model's bear the stamp of the German architect, Georg Friedrich Hetsch, whose historicizing idiom, together with Bertel Thorvaldsen’'s sculpture had a considerable impact on Denmark during the first half of the 1800's. All thi's i's reflected in the production of the 1800's in Höganä's. In 1840, Johan Joachim Sjöcrona took over the management of the mining and earthenware production at the Höganä's factory, which time and again had been threatened with closure. He introduced a number of important social and financial reform's (school's, hospital's, pharmacie's, housing for the worker's, temperance movement's, librarie's, meeting-hall's etc.). It wa's also he who, in 1856, employed a young Danish artist, Ferdinand Ring, at the pottery. Ring wa's employed not a's a potter, but a's a sculptor and designer to produce prototype's for mas's production of, above all, variou's kind's of decorative object's, ornament's and architectural decoration's – rather typical task's at that time for a pottery that wa's aiming at meeting competition on a market larger than the one in Skåne. It wa's also probably Ring who lay behind the splendidly illustrated price catalogue over the 1859 production from the pottery. Thi's wa's the era for trade exhibition's with all they implied for internationalization and a growing importance for the visual form and marketing of the good's. The earthenware factory in Höganä's often participated successfully here, judging from the attention given by the pres's, but at the same time the financial gain wa's very small: the threat of closure loomed again in the minute's of the company board. Ferdinand Ring stayed on until 1869 and production continued, however, on a small scale. In 1889 Åke Nordenfelt entered the scene a's manager of the Höganä's company. Hi's private interest wa's one of contemporary ceramic art, in particular the polychrome majolica ware which, in a number of way's, wa's typical of the time. From hi's busines's trip's to England he brought back on hi's own initiative sample's of ceramic's that specially reflected the reformed creative design that i's associated with Christopher Dresser and other designer's, notably within the Art's & Craft's Movement. Such piece's, together with those associated with the contemporary development of artistic ceramic's in Denmark (Bindesbøll, Kähler and other's), came to be copied, on instruction from Nordenfelt, in a multitude of variation's at the Höganä's pottery. At the beginning of the 1890's these good's caught the attention of people in the Swedish art's & craft's circle's who were interested in modern design, partly because they were mas's-produced, simple and cheap but were also now endowed with a new and energetic form, painted with colourful, running or spattered lead glaze's. These article's were regarded a's a fruitful, artistically valuable alternative to the traditional, historicizing and often overloaded ornament's of that time. The production in Höganä's wa's more or les's unparalleled in Sweden. In order to modernize the old-fashioned pottery’'s rudimentary technical equipment and work routine's, Gudmund Dahl wa's employed a's work's foreman in 1893. He introduced a number of innovation's. For instance, he developed the polychrome glaze on a white background instead of the previou's one which wa's built on a transparent lead glaze on yellow clay. He also installed pyrometer's in the kiln's to register the temperature more exactly and started a routine where each design wa's given a number which wa's stamped onto the good's and which could be found in a design's book that wa's continuously updated when new design's were introduced. Dahl also trained the future designer, Albin Hamberg (born 1875) and the future glazing master, Sigfrid Johansson (born 1879). It wa's a combination of management’'s equally arbitrary and personal interest's, a handful of young colleague's’ eage
|
|
| 3. |
- Sternudd, Hans T., 1955-
(author)
-
Excess och aktionskonst : en semiotisk analys av Hermann Nitschs Das 6-Tage-Spiel med betoning på första dagens Mittagsfinale
- 2004
-
Doctoral thesis (other academic/artistic)abstract
- The subject for this dissertation is the Austrian artist Hermann Nitsch’s Das 6-Tage-Spiel (1998). The purpose is to examine in what way Das 6-Tage-Spiel, as part of the orgien mysterien theater (hereafter o. m. theater), is an adequate means to realize Nitsch’s intention (as he has described them outside of the work in writings and interviews). Das 6-Tage-Spiel is an example of a category of scenic works that in the dissertation is named action art. The definition of action art is an important part of the dissertation. Typical for action art is an absence of illusory elements; it's composed of non-representative actions, which are conducted in a situation with an obvious spectator function. The absence of fictional settings is dominant and central to action art. In a comparison between action art and other semiotic categories ritual comes closest. In both ritual and action art there's a mix of semiotic actions (that are commenting on the world) and instrumental actions (that change the world) together with an absence of a fictional "I", here and now. A close reading of one scene (Mittagsfinale) from Das 6-Tage-Spiel’s first day reveals a work that consists of the actual staging of dramatic elements (carcasses and crucifixions). Different dichotomies (life and death etc.) are exposed with the goal to unite them in a mysterium coninctionis. The composition is additive (as in a Gesamtkunstwerk) and relies on a redundant repetition of the different leitmotivs. Fundamental for Nitsch is C. G. Jung’s theory of archetypes. A central point in all the actions in Nitsch’s oeuvre is the exposure of real objects that have gained a symbolic value in cultures and religions. With the means that action art provides he gets a possibility to show the true nature of the symbols for those present (audience and participants), according to Nitsch himself, whereby they acquire an understanding of the symbols beyond the limits of speech (and the way language categorizes nature). Nitsch works in a romantic tradition that aims to reunite an existence which has been divided into two halves (for instance in mind and matter). He uses concrete direct expression that does not communicate through speech. In the analysis of Mittagsfinale that's presented in Excess and Action Art an adjusted sign model for action art is being used. The model stresses the importance of a physical level (that a long side with a pictorial and plastic level builds up the sign). For the attendant it's a crucial aspect that it's the real thing that's being used in the action, that it isn't paint instead of blood for instance. The strong reaction from people present in Nitsch’s actions and those who encounter them in a mediated form are due to the non-representative character of o. m. theater. In o. m. theater one is confronted with an experience that's comparable with extreme life events, catastrophes and so on. These states can be experienced as something beyond the scope of language. As in politics, religious action and violent social behavior when the actor runs short of words (or at least they are not sufficient anymore), Nitsch’s work resorts to action. When such actions, as in the case of o. m. theater, take the form of slaughtering animals and exposure of blood it certainly causes a lot of problems regarding the reception from the general public.
|
|
| 4. |
|
|
| 5. |
- Weimarck, Ann-Charlotte, et al.
(author)
-
Ett starkt campus ethos - är detta något för Lunds universitet?
- 2009
-
In: Proceedings Utvecklingskonferens Lunds universitet 2009. - 9789197797429 ; , s. 124-124
-
Conference paper (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Jag vill diskutera det som den amerikanska pedagogen Adrianna Kezar i en artikel från 2007 kallar campus ethos, där siktet är inställt på att skapa samhörighet mellan enskilda studenter och en institution, fånga upp deras engagemang och att få studenterna att känna sig välkomna och trygga i en ny gemenskap och bli framgångsrika i sina studier. Hon skriver: ”An ethos may be thought of as a life-giving source of an institution that touches the heart and engages the mind.” . Och jag ställer frågan om inte också vi på Lunds universitet behöver arbeta med att stärka lärmiljön genom att utveckla ett sådant ethos vid våra institutioner. För det är ju viktigt för oss att våra studenter är framgångsrika och når sina mål. – Hur gör vi för att befordra detta? Det vore intressant att få ta del av övriga kollegers erfarenheter, kanske arbetar ni redan med att försöka utveckla vad Kezar kallar ett starkt campus ethos – men, i så fall, hur praktiserar ni det, vilka delar av verksamheten är berörda? Kezar citerar en student från en utvärdering: ”This ethos made me believe that they wanted me to succeed and build up my self-system. I just feel it in my heart and now I see it in my grades.” Och hon citerar vidare ett uttalande av en student som berättar om sin institutions ethos på följande sätt: ”. . . it is a sence of caring that makes me want to learn.” Är det inte så som vi önskar att våra studenter också ska kunna skriva i kursvärderingarna?
|
|
| 6. |
- Weimarck, Ann-Charlotte
(author)
-
Joseph Beuys : fett och filt : en forskningskritisk essä
- 2011
-
Book (other academic/artistic)abstract
- Joseph Beuys. Fat and felt. A critical essay. The extremely singular materials fat and felt for use in art, have an entirely dominating role in a long series of Joseph Beuys’ (1921-1986) most important work. They are found both in single works of art as well as in installations and happenings from the beginning of the 1960s and up to the end of the artist’s life. This essay deals with the artist’s multifaceted use of fat and felt, and moreover aims at problematising – and criticising – the reception and interpretation of this field by art researchers and art critics. The central point for the discussions in this essay is the Holocaust and the accompanying question of guilt, as well as how and to what extent this is expressed in the artist’s work. The materials that Beuys preferred and constantly returned to – fat and felt – are examined in the study in relation to his and his generation’s varying experiences of the Holocaust; indirect in Beuys’ case, but even so, unavoidable and deeply disturbing. As an existential and strongly directive sounding board in this study we find Theodor W. Adorno’s unavoidable question (1949) if poetry and art are possible after Auschwitz, or, as he later wrote (1965), if we can at all continue to live after what happened there. In the essay, the main part of Beuys’ artistry is characterised as work produced after Auschwitz and as an expression for ‘the sublime after Auschwitz’ – the latter expressly defined and applied in a very fruitful manner by the American art historian, Gene Ray, in his study of some of Beuys’ work (The Use and Abuse of the Sublime: Joseph Beuys and Art after Auschwitz, 1997). In my essay I have wished to shed light on this and account for some of his theoretically elaborated and interesting interpretations. I have also indicated that Ray’s investigation has not received the attention it deserves from researchers and critics. Instead, it is another American art researcher, Benjamin H. D. Buchloh, who, for many years, has been a dominating influence with his biased, extremely negative opinions about Beuys’ artistry and who has in fact had an injurious effect on the reception of Beuys’ artistry for several decades. This I have also pointed out in an earlier piece on Beuys (1995). Buchloh’s opinion is critically examined in my essay, now also with strong support from Ray. A key position in my study is given to Joseph Beuys’ extensive installation at Hessisches Landes Museum in Darmstadt, Block Beuys (1969). It is characterised as a performative composition, where Beuys has handled his individual guilt problem in a comprehensive and utterly dramatic manner. I maintain that with this installation he has extended the limits for what can be said about the Holocaust and interpret it in the light of his individual struggle to survive the catastrophe and his will to start living anew. In the installations we find his experiences and memories in new expressions – by explicitly presenting the motif and purpose, and at the same time concealing it – but basically as evidence and an emphatic confession in artistic form. These are thoughts that can be aroused by the many single works that are included in Block Beuys and we can say that Beuys has created a work as a collective memory of the Holocaust. The courage to confess his guilt, to start striving for a true relationship with the past, doubtless meant the beginning of Beuys’ career as an artist. And he knew that the decisive importance of the need for penitence was not his concern alone: even his fellow men were weighed down by guilt and remorse. In work after work he created or triggered healing processes that he also wanted the public to take part in. This essay discusses and interprets Beuys’ use of fat in some of the happenings from the period 1964-1968 based on these reasonings. The fat is used here in a more or less solid form, in a larger or smaller amounts: as fat corners, fat strings, lumps of fat; as melting and reeking fat, and as explosions of fat, and is interpreted against the background of the literally unbearable context of the burnt bodies of the Holocaust. Finally, focus is turned on two installations from 1984 that, according to my interpretation, show the continuity in Beuys’ artistry. One of these is Dernier espace avec introspecteur (Paris), where I argue that Beuys, with this installation, reflected on his own life and moreover called on the public to do this as well. In other respects this work is interpreted with its considerable use of primarily fat but also felt, in analogy with the essay’s point of departure, that direct associations lead from the installation to the victims of the Holocaust. The essay concludes with an installation that has received less attention, Olivestone (1984). It consists of five large hewn limestone vats, furnished with stone lids and filled to the brim with hundreds of litres of olive oil. These limestone vats can be seen as sarcophagi that with the fat of the Holocaust become a commemoration of all its victims. It is fat, but here quite clearly vegetable fat and it can undeniably induce thoughts of something else, of a highly developed culture, of cultivation and peace, of the negation of the Holocaust. With Olivestone the theme that Beuys constantly varied over the years is repeated: the guilt, the wounds, the suffering – existentially dealt with in work after work as a source of renewed vitality, or to use Beuys’ own expression, the wound as a ‘plastic process’, where thoughts of incarnation can arise and be realised.
|
|
| 7. |
- Weimarck, Ann-Charlotte
(author)
-
Joseph Beuys och sökandet efter den egentliga livskraften
- 1995
-
Book (other academic/artistic)abstract
- The study presents an ideational background for interpretations of some central works by Joseph Beuys (192I-1986): "Badewanne/Bath Tub" (1960), "Gemeinschaftspaten/Communion Spade" (1964), "Das Rudel/The Pack" (1969), "Aktion im Moor/Moss Action" (1971), "Zeige deine Wunde/Show Your Wounds" (1976), "grosser ausgesogener Liegender im Jenseits wollend Gestrechter"/approximately “big gaunt reclining figure wanting to stretch himself out in the life to come" (1982). The study opens with a discussion of the shamanistic world view, whose relation to Beuys’ iconography and his role as an artist is highly relevant and merits investigation. It is evident that the shamanistic conception of the world stimulated his artistic and existential imagination, giving him knowledge and experiences with which he charged his works. In many ways these prove to be directly connected to a world view inspired by shamanism. Beuys changed and transformed the analogous thinking of the shamanistic tradition as well as its specific tools and attributes. He also used this tradition to find ways of changing his own role as an artist. Seen from the perspective outlined above, it could be argued that the works discussed in the present study prove to be created as tools in a struggle for change and liberation, both as regards Beuys’ own life and his existential needs and as regards humanity at large; they are all in a sense instruments of a transcendental longing.
|
|
| 8. |
- Weimarck, Ann-Charlotte
(author)
-
Jugendvillorna på Olympia i Helsingborg : en essä om arkitektur och livsmiljö i förvandling
- 2012
-
Book (other academic/artistic)abstract
- Summary in English The Art Nouveau houses in the Olympia district in Helsingborg. An essay on architecture and living space in transformation The aim of this study is, in a longer term perspective and from various aspects, to discuss a group of distinctive buildings in Helsingborg. This consists of almost 30 detached apartment houses in the Art Nouveau style. They were built during a period of a few years immediately after 1900 on the four estates known as Staren (Starling), Lärkan (Lark), Vipan (Lapwing) and Ärlan (Wagtail). They lie east of the town centre, up on a cliff in the Olympia district. These Art Nouveau houses still have a dominating position in the four areas and create an unusual, comparatively harmonious architectonic environment. By way of introduction, the development of Art Nouveau is described and forms a kind of background for understanding the original aesthetics of the Art Nouveau houses on the “Bird estates”. This is exemplified by the Art Nouveau style as it was created in Brussels where more than 500 buildings in this new style were built between 1893 and 1900. Above all, it is the originator of this style, Victor Horta, who is highlighted with his great variation of buildings where often each frontage and each interior represented something new. The study also draws attention to another two relatively extensive Art Nouveau areas found in northern Europe, one in Ålesund, Norway, with up to 400 buildings, and one in the centre of Riga with more than 800 buildings. Both of these sites were developed over a very short time at the outset of the 20th century, each with its own special characteristics depending on its different cultural circumstances and on the architects who had drawn the buildings. With these examples, I wish to point out that in two other places in northern Europe at the turn of the 20th century a couple of other extensive, closely unified large areas were built in the Art Nouveau style; these have not previously been mentioned in connection with the Art Nouveau houses on the “Bird estates” in Helsingborg. The sites for this new housing area had been carved out from the property that on the town map was denoted as “Farm 126”. The area had been planned at one time for the rapidly growing middle class population in Helsingborg at the turn of the century. The process of dividing up the sites had begun earlier in the neighbouring area of Gladan which had been built with single occupancy houses during the time Mauritz Frohm (b.1840) was the town architect. That the architect Alfred Hellerström (b. 1863) from 1900 was employed now and then as deputy town architect is not without significance in the light of my later discussion. Alfred Hellerström was appointed town architect in 1903. Whoever it was that drew the Art Nouveau houses is shrouded in mystery. For most of the houses no provenance is noted on the plans, but in the present study the hypothesis is tested that Hellerström was the architect who supplied the builders with the drawings for the Art Nouveau houses, that the Art Nouveau milieu of the “Bird estates” can have been his vision first in his capacity as deputy town architect and later in the official position. That we cannot find in the archives any proof of this is because the houses were built in an area that was not part of the town plan. In order to build there no planning permission was necessary with submitted drawings and suchlike that would then be stored in the archives. It is the homogeneous Art Nouveau set-up of this area that has tempted me to reason around it and try to shed light on the difficult problem of who its originator was. One of my points of departure is the 1862 ruling of the reformed local community stating that it is the town architect who is to be responsible for the general aspect of the town, its architecture and artistic features, with particular emphasis on the frontage designs. Hellerström’s considerable building enterprises in Helsingborg are also discussed in the introduction in connection with the new choice of aesthetic direction that he himself initiated and which meant a change of style vis-à-vis Frohm’s 19th century classicism. Hellerström effectuated this on the basis of new theories of architecture, manifested in, for example, natural stone and brick and with inspiration from an entirely different quarter than the previously current classicism. Some of Hellerström’s other buildings in the Art Nouveau style from the beginning of the 20th century, in central Helsingborg and the district of Tågaborg north of the town, are also included in the discussion as an important part of the argument about the Art Nouveau houses in Olympia and their possible originator. Hellerström’s other buildings are, namely, interesting examples of his skill in varying one and the same Art Nouveau expression, a significant trait also of the so-called “Bird estates” in Olympia. In this study, I argue that the Art Nouveau milieu can have been his own concept and that even his own drawings can have been used for the unified, but equally individually well-planned buildings. Moreover, the study is concentrated around questions as to how the houses, independently of who drew them, grew up in the district, the appearance of their frontages and interiors from the beginning and how the various apartments were originally planned. The study highlights both the large number of tiled stoves in the area as well as which professional groups were represented among those who moved in during the first decades. Here the factual details, to a considerable extent, are the result of examination of various archives; above all they are based on fire insurance certificates and the so-called church records. Here the purpose has been, with the help of such information gleaned from archives, to draw a kind of portrait of the original interpretation and expression of the single Art Nouveau house. In another section of the study I discuss the original aesthetic forms of the Art Nouveau houses, characterized as they were by a very special style ambition. Here, I demonstrate that the frontages make up an extension of the inner part of each building, but I also ascertain that the houses together form an interesting conclusion to the common street space. This aesthetic connection between the houses is presented as something characteristic for the “Bird estates”. From the direction of the street, or from balconies and tower rooms, the buildings, by means of the shape of their frontages, stand in a convincing architectonic relationship with each other. It is this intimate relationship, this dialogue that is created between the body of the houses and their frontages that leads me to want to attribute almost all these Art Nouveau houses to one and the same architect. Here, namely, is an expression of a basic well-coordinated architectonic language. The builder and his workmen were often the first owners of the different properties. They were able to get bank loans in the new spirit of the times; you built to sell on to others, so not in the first place to live there yourself. Up to the 1920-30s it is seen in the church records that the area was inhabited mostly by people with middle-class professions. Studies of a 40 year span of these records show that the residents’ social status has been relatively constant during this period. A briefer section deals with documented changes in the structure of the houses, among others the building of garages in the 1950s which meant changes made to the buildings with little respect for their original style. This was the beginning of the period of aesthetic decline with accompanying alterations to the front yards and the street space which since then have simply escalated. During the 1960s and 1970s many of the exteriors were spoilt when the white lime wash was rejected and the frontages were painted with plastic paint in varying hues. The ornamentation was then often given an incorrect different shade of white. In this study the conversions that have taken place since the 1980s are discussed. These have led to more and smaller apartments, which today are now cooperatively owned. It has meant considerable changes to the interiors with regard to the original and special atmosphere in the houses, peculiar to their period. One section contains a discussion dealing with previously written texts about these houses, and at the same time I continue to pursue my argument. Once more, I approach my hypothesis that it could be Hellerström who actually changed “Farm 126” into a well-planned Art Nouveau district of the town. And I propose that this can indeed be possible. He had, already before 1900, been able to obtain the necessary general view of the planning of the town with regard to future building in the area. Moreover, he had an undeniably suitable network which he could utilize in order to draw plans just as much as he wished and had time for – up until 1912 when a rule about sidelining was enforced in Sweden which prohibited the town architects from engaging in private enterprise. This study has underlined Hellerström’s architectonic competence to build with a greatly varying Art Nouveau expression. The method that is finally adopted in the study with regard to the special expression of the Art Nouveau houses on the “Bird estates” is a comparative critique of style, set against the background of a considerable number of illustrations. It is with the help of these that I finally summarize my views in relation to both old and new photographs of the houses and their environment. A concluding reflection builds on thoughts and memories that have their point of departure in my own rich experience as a child of the spaces in this district. Theoretically I start from E.S. Casey’s discussion about "body memory and place memory", that is memories that takes its place in the body in the form of deep
|
|
| 9. |
|
|
| 10. |
|
|
