| 1. |
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| 2. |
- Sorgenfrei, Simon, Docent, et al.
(author)
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Mångreligiositet och sekularitet i svenskt polisväsende, vård, skola och offentlig förvaltning : en forskningsöversikt
- 2021
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Reports (other academic/artistic)abstract
- Under de senaste decennierna har Sverige genomgått stora demografiska och politiska förändringar. Tillsammans har dessa inneburit att Sverige idag samtidigt är ett av Europas mest sekulariserade och mest mångreligiösa länder. Den snabba demografiska förändring Sverige har genomgått har ställt många inför nya, stora och i vissa fall skyndsamma kunskapsbehov samtidigt är forskningen om situationen delvis eftersatt. I denna rapport identifieras hur den nya situationen relaterar till det lagstadgade uppdrag som svenskt polisväsende, vård, skola och offentlig förvaltning har. Den forskning som gjorts inom dessa områden sammanfattas och de viktigaste forskningsbehoven identifieras.
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| 3. |
- Bech, Emily Cochran, et al.
(author)
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A ‘civic turn’ in Scandinavian family migration policies? Comparing Denmark, Norway and Sweden
- 2017
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In: Comparative Migration Studies. - : Springer. - 2214-8590 .- 2214-594X. ; 5:1
-
Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Family migration policy, once basing citizens and resident foreigners’ possibilities to bring in foreign family members mainly on the right to family life, is increasingly a tool states use to limit immigration and to push newcomers to integrate into civic and economic life. The family migration policies of Denmark, Norway and Sweden range widely – from more minimal support and age requirements to high expectations of language skills, work records and even income levels. While in Denmark and increasingly in Norway growing sets of requirements have been justified on the need to protect the welfare state and a Nordic liberal way of life, in Sweden more minimal requirements have been introduced in the name of spurring immigrants’ labor market integration even as rights-based reasoning has continued to dominate. In all three countries, new restrictions have been introduced in the wake of the refugee crisis. These cases show how prioritizations of the right to family life vis-à-vis welfare-state sustainability have produced different rules for family entry, and how family migration policies are used to different extents to push civic integration of both new and already settled immigrants.
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| 4. |
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| 5. |
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| 6. |
- Borevi, Karin, 1968-, et al.
(author)
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Border Management and Migration Controls in Sweden : Country Report
- 2019
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Reports (peer-reviewed)abstract
- From a comparative European perspective, Sweden is generally known as a country pursuing relatively liberal asylum policies. One distinguishing feature of Swedish immigration policy has been the principle that persons who are given asylum are immediately granted permanent residence (although the law allows exemptions from this under certain circumstances).This report gives an overview of the Swedish legal and policy framework of border management and migration control – how it relates to EU regulations and policies; what key actors are involved in the implementation and what the key issues and challenges are in relation to this field.
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| 7. |
- Borevi, Karin, 1968-, et al.
(author)
-
Conflicting Conceptualisations of Europeanisation : Sweden Country Report
- 2020
-
Reports (peer-reviewed)abstract
- This report explores how recent processes of immigration have changed discourses about Europe and migration in Swedish political speeches and newspaper editorials 2011-2018. In the period up to September 2015, political speeches and editorials reflected a dominant humanitarian discourse and Sweden was expected to strive for a better and more coordinated EU policy approach in relation to refugees. The prevailing image was of Sweden as a forerunner and role model for other EU member states. The right-wing populist party the Sweden Democrats (SD) represented a counter-discourse, instead emphasizing as a main problem that Sweden diverged from other European countries in maintaining a more generous approach towards migration. In Sweden, liberal ideas and rhetoric about Europe dominate the political discourse. Political speeches analysed in this report reflect images of Europe as an “open society”; the aim being to incorporate diversity in the European project along with the fundamental approval of human rights based on the liberal platform of respect of individual dignity. The material analyzed in this report gives relatively few examples of framings characteristic of conservative ideas of Europe. One reason for this may be that, given the dominance of the liberal discourse, even right-wing populist party representatives (Sweden Democrats, SD) tend to frame their messages and proposals in a liberalist language. There are however recurrent examples of arguments and framings – used by SD as well as other political parties – focusing on the alleged threat that external migration represents, to Sweden and/or to Europe, and there is an indication of an increase in this type of frame in the second part of the studied period (2015-2018).
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| 8. |
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| 9. |
- Borevi, Karin, 1968-
(author)
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Diversity and Solidarity in Denmark and Sweden
- 2015
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In: On conference website.
-
Conference paper (other academic/artistic)abstract
- How should we understand that Denmark and Sweden – two countries with manifold features in common – have arrived at strikingly divergent policy responses towards immigrant integration? This paper suggests that, despite similar references to welfare state symbols, dominant national identity constructions in the two countries represent distinctly different ideal typical views on how social solidarity is generated and maintained. In Denmark official political discourse and policy making processes indicates the working of a society-centered perspective on national identity, emphasizing social cohesion as a necessary precondition for public institutions to sustain. This idea is arguably reflected in the Danish immigrant policy approach, where the inclusion of newcomers is conditioned on them acquiring a comprehensive set of demands defining a predefined (and ‘settled’) idea of Danishness. In comparison, the Swedish idea about national identity is more oriented towards a state-centered approach, in the sense that the capacity of the political institutions – notably the welfare state – is typically emphasized as the core promoter of social inclusion and sense of national belonging. In the field of immigrant integration, this idea is mirrored in a widespread conviction that the organization of welfare state institutions, rather than the spirit of the people, constitutes the necessary condition for creating and sustaining national cohesion and integration. The paper gives a historical account of the nation building processes in the two countries and shows that crucial differences in political perceptions along the ideal types mentioned above are to be identified in contemporary political discourses related to the ‘civic’ turn in immigrant integration policies.
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| 10. |
- Borevi, Karin, 1968-
(author)
-
Diversity and Solidarity in Denmark and Sweden
- 2017
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In: Strains of Commitment. - Oxford : Oxford University Press. - 9780198795452 ; , s. 364-388
-
Book chapter (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Denmark and Sweden have many features in common, not least the way welfare state symbols are used in the construction of each country’s national identity, but they display striking differences in approaches to immigrant integration. The chapter argues that this situation reflects the existence of distinctly different dominating ideal typical notions on how social cohesion and welfare state sustainability comes about: In Denmark, a society-centred perspective is predominant, viewing the existence of a particular cultural homogeneity as indispensable for the welfare state to sustain. In Sweden, a state-centred approach instead prevails, referring to the welfare state as a potential promoter of social inclusion. Depending on what ideal typical idea is the dominant, perceptions vary on what are the main challenges from immigration and cultural pluralism, and what policy measures need to be taken. Comparative analysis of a long period of elite discourses and policy developments substantiates the argument.
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| 11. |
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| 12. |
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| 13. |
- Borevi, Karin, 1968-
(author)
-
Familj, medborgarskap, migration : Sveriges politik för anhöriginvandring i ett jämförande perspektiv
- 2018
-
Reports (other academic/artistic)abstract
- Since the 1980s, family migration is the most common reason for foreign citizens outside the Nordic countries to be granted the right to settle in Sweden. Family migration cover cases when a person who already live in a country reunites with a family member from another country.In June 2016, Sweden introduced a law on temporary restrictions in the possibility to achieve residence permit. The law was a direct result of the record-breaking immigration of asylum seekers experienced during the fall 2015. The measure was presented by the government as a necessity to protect the asylum reception system, as well as other central societal functions, from the strains caused by the large inflow of asylum seekers. One area where the 2016 rule changes have had the largest impact is family migration, which is the focus of study in this report. In particular, the stricter regulations meant that persons granted subsidiary protection status had very limited chances to get the right to reunite with their close family members. But the rule changes implied stricter regulations in relation to family migration affecting also other categories, and the Swedish population at large, e.g. in relation to support and housing requirements to be allowed to bring in a partner from a country outside of the EU.Adopting a comparative perspective, this study analyses how the recent Swedish changes in family migration regulations relate (1) to existing EU legislation; (2) to other countries’ national regulations and (3) to arguments and considerations previously put forward in the Swedish policy debate, as well as arguments reflected in family migration policy debates in the neighboring countries Denmark and Norway.The report begins with an introductory section describing the study’s aims, points of departure, method and delimitations. Thereafter follows a section which includes an overview of the numbers of family migrants in relation to other migrant categories, and a review of international research on family migration policies. The section provides a discussion about what principles, interests and values are at stake in this policy field. It is established that, besides migration policy concerns, issues revolving around family migration also bring to the fore central aspects of integration, citizenship and a society’s core values. A common European policy trend – identified in the literature as a “civic turn” in immigrant integration – is particularly highlighted. The trend reflects a renewed interest among states across Europe to actively strengthen and protect the national identity via formulation of new or sharpened requirements targeted at immigrants. Access to permanent residence permit, national citizenship or the right to reunite with a family member from abroad may for instance be conditioned with the applicant’s knowledge in the receiving state’s language, history and culture. Family migration policies potentially involve a “double conditionality” in the sense that integration requirements can be targeted both at the foreign family migrant and at the sponsor.The empirical study is divided in two parts. In the first part an overview is presented (based on MIPEX 2015) of family migration policy regulations in the 28 EU member states plus Norway and Switzerland. The overview concerns four categories conditions and demands that (under certain conditions) the EU family reunification directive allows states to use: (1) requirements on status of residence and residence time; (2) age requirements; (3) support and housing requirements and (4) language and integration requirements. Discussing the member states’ commitments according to the directive and giving an overview of existing legislation in differeing countries, this analysis contributes to concretize what the “EU minimum level” may imply. The empirical study in this part also gives an account of how the Swedish legislation positions itself in relation to the “EU minimum level” before and after the temporary law of 2016.The second part of the report study central policy processes in Sweden, Denmark and Norway which preceded decisions to introduce new or tougher demands and restrictions on family migration – or to reject such changes. The analysis provides a broad account of policy development in the three countries, from the turn of the millennium up to 2016, identifying what considerations, arguments and problem representations have guided the decisions. One conclusion of this analysis is that the large asylum migration in 2015 provoked reforms and changes in regulations in all three countries. But whereas the changes in Denmark and Norway were in line with policy development which had been noted during a very long (Denmark) or rather long (Norway) period of time, in Sweden the changes are to be described in terms of a sudden and paradigmatic migration policy change.In the last section the conclusions of the study and what insights can be drawn from them in relation to future policy decisions are discussed. The report shows that the Swedish 2016 changes in family migration regulations represented a dramatic deviation from previous policies, motivated solely as a way to reduce asylum immigration. The intention was to adjust Swedish rules to the EU minimum level, in order not deviate as the country with more generous rules. For future policy decisions there is however a need of a more profound and elaborated debate and analysis, which in earnest takes into consideration the different core principles and values which are at stake in family migration.
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| 14. |
- Borevi, Karin, 1968-
(author)
-
Family Migration Policies and Politics : Understanding the Swedish Exception
- 2015
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In: Journal of Family Issues. - 0192-513X .- 1552-5481. ; 36:11, s. 1490-1508
-
Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- This article aims at characterizing and explaining Swedish family migration policies from a European comparative point of view. The analysis shows that Sweden applies equally strict eligibility rules for members beyond the nuclear family as most other European countries. Moreover, Sweden introduced such stricter rules much earlier than other countries. In other respects, however, Swedish family migration policies stand out as exceptionally liberal in European comparison; few, if any, requirements are imposed on the sponsor and joining family members acquire equal rights status either immediately or 2 years after admission. To explain this situation, the article analyzes political processes behind two important family migration policy decisions in 1997 and 2010. The conclusion is that Swedish welfare state ideology and party politics importantly contribute to understanding why Sweden diverges from European trends in family migration policies.
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| 15. |
- Borevi, Karin, 1968-
(author)
-
Immigration and Asylum in the EU: A Resilient Policy for Immigration?
- 2022
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In: Routes to a Resilient European Union. - Cham : Palgrave Macmillan. - 9783030931643 - 9783030931674 - 9783030931650 ; , s. 195-218
-
Book chapter (other academic/artistic)abstract
- This chapter addresses immigration and integration policies at both the EU and the member state levels. It reviews attempts to achieve a common asylum policy at the EU level, including the Commission’s proposal for a new pact on migration and asylum in September 2020; and it suggests that the failure to achieve such a common policy impels member states to take compensatory measures to control immigration and asylum-seeking. When the Union’s system is unable to handle immigration, a shift from European to national solutions takes place—as became evident in the ‘refugee crisis’ of 2015. This chapter describes the ‘civic turn’ in integration policy which has taken place across European states since the early 2000s—a turn which has involved a stronger connection between integration policy and immigration control. The conclusion is that efforts to control immigration indirectly—e.g., through measures aimed at discouraging or deterring certain categories of migrants from coming—run the risk of jeopardizing the overarching goal of integration policies: i.e., to improve the social and economic integration of migrants.
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| 16. |
- Borevi, Karin, 1968-
(author)
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Integration
- 2016. - 2. utök.
-
In: Politisk teori. - Stockholm : Liber. - 9789147112838 ; , s. 180-197
-
Book chapter (other academic/artistic)
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| 17. |
- Borevi, Karin, 1968-
(author)
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Integration requirements - a motivating force or an obstacle to integration? : Debating the nexus between integration and family immigration in Sweden
- 2012
-
Conference paper (other academic/artistic)abstract
- Sweden represents one of the most liberal systems in Europe when it comes to family migration policies. Simultaneously, Sweden – just like other European countries – experiences a growing sense of crisis concerning immigrant integration, particularly manifested as a persistent gap between natives and immigrants in the labour market. The country is also put under considerable pressure to harmonize with the European trend of introducing more restrictive requirements in this area. In this paper I discuss the political process leading up to the 2010 introduction in Sweden of a financial support requirement for family migration, which introduced a linkage between integration achievements and the right to acquire admission to the country that had not existed before. Using the method of comparative process tracing, where comparable policy developments in other European countries – notably the Netherlands and United Kingdom – are related, I discuss whether we should characterize the Swedish case as an exception to the common European trend of fusing integration requirements and migration control or as a latecomer that is gradually adapting to the situation in other countries, and argue that there is currently ground for the first interpretation. In the analysis I also address the question how the Swedish case should be explained, and argue that we should take into account factors such as salience of right wing populist parties; public opinion; framing of the political discourse and the legacy of a national integration model where both multiculturalism and universal welfare state policies are emphasized.
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| 18. |
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| 19. |
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| 20. |
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| 21. |
- Borevi, Karin, 1968-
(author)
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Migration
- 2023
-
In: Nordeuropa. - Baden-Baden : Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft. - 9783848786992 ; , s. 193-200
-
Book chapter (other academic/artistic)
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| 22. |
- Borevi, Karin, 1968-
(author)
-
Multiculturalism and welfare state integration : Swedish model path dependency
- 2014
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In: Identities. - 1070-289X .- 1547-3384. ; 21:6, s. 708-723
-
Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- The present article offers an account of Swedish integration policies in the post-war period. The theoretical purpose is to assess Christian Joppke’s hypothesis that recent trends of integration policy convergence have rendered the national model approach analytically useless. The analysis shows that Sweden deviates, in some important respects, from the European trend by not formulating demands that link integration achievements to immigrants’ access to fundamental rights. The conclusion is that the Swedish case does not support Joppke’s hypothesis, but rather indicates that path dependency of national models is a valid explanation to ongoing developments. It is argued that the Swedish exception should be understood as an expression of the persistent impact of a policy logic according to which integration requires that all citizens have equal and universal access to certain fundamental rights. The article builds on general comparisons with European policy developments and uses Denmark as a more specific reference point.
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| 23. |
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| 24. |
- Borevi, Karin, 1968-
(author)
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Mångkulturalism på reträtt
- 2008
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In: Statsvetare ifrågasätter. - Uppsala : Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis. - 9789155471286 ; , s. 408-424
-
Book chapter (pop. science, debate, etc.)
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| 25. |
- Borevi, Karin, 1968-
(author)
-
Religiösa friskolor
- 2008
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In: Religion i Sverige. - Stockholm : Dialogos Förlag. - 9789175041995 ; , s. 379-381
-
Book chapter (pop. science, debate, etc.)
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| 26. |
- Borevi, Karin, 1968-
(author)
-
Scandinavian Approaches to Begging as a Policy Problem and the Double Insider/Outsider Status of Marginalized Intra-EU Migrants
- 2023
-
In: Journal of Social Policy. - : Cambridge University Press. - 0047-2794 .- 1469-7823. ; 52:2, s. 276-293
-
Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- The present article investigates how begging performed by citizens of new EU-member states in Eastern Europe was debated in parliaments in Denmark, Sweden and Norway during the period 2007–2017. The empirical analysis shows significant cross-country divergences: In Denmark, efforts targeted controlling migration, either directly or indirectly, via various deterrence strategies. In Sweden, the emphasis was rather on alleviating social needs while migrants reside in the country and trying to decrease their incentives to migrate in the first place by ameliorating conditions in sending countries. In Norway, one predominant framing revolved around the issue of human trafficking of beggars. Despite substantial differences, the analyses show a gradual shift in a similar direction in all three countries. While a social frame was initially more commonly understood as the appropriate way to approach begging, over time a criminal frame has gained ground in all three countries. The article argues that this development must be understood in light of marginalized intra-EU migrants’ legal status as both insiders and outsiders in the Scandinavian welfare states. Due to these individuals’ “in-between status”, neither conventional social policy nor immigration control measures are perceived as available, making policymakers more prone to turn to criminal policy tools.
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| 27. |
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| 28. |
- Borevi, Karin, 1968-
(author)
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Sweden: The Flagship of Multiculturalism
- 2012
-
In: Immigration Policy and the Scandinavian Welfare State 1945 - 2010. - Basingstoke : Palgrave Macmillan. - 9780230302389 - 0230302386 ; , s. 25-96
-
Book chapter (peer-reviewed)
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| 29. |
- Borevi, Karin, 1968-, et al.
(author)
-
The civic turn of immigrant integration policies in the Scandinavian welfare states
- 2017
-
In: Comparative Migration Studies. - : Springer. - 2214-8590 .- 2214-594X. ; 5:1
-
Journal article (other academic/artistic)abstract
- This special issue addresses the question of how to understand the civic turn within immigrant integration in the West towards programs and instruments, public discourses and political intentions, which aim to condition, incentivize, and shape through socialization immigrants into ‘citizens’. Empirically, it focuses on the less studied Scandinavian cases of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark. In this introduction, we situate the contributions to this special issue within the overall debate on civic integration and convergence. We introduce the three cases, critically discuss the (liberal) convergence thesis and its descriptive and explanatory claims, and explain why studying the Scandinavian welfare states can further our understanding of the nature of the civic turn and its driving forces. Before concluding, we discuss whether civic integration policies actually work.
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| 30. |
- Borevi, Karin, 1968-, et al.
(author)
-
The Early Institutionalization of State–Islam Relations in Sweden
- 2024
-
In: Journal of Muslims in Europe. - : Brill Academic Publishers. - 2211-792X .- 2211-7954. ; 13:1, s. 109-128
-
Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- With the case of Sweden as its focus, this article contributes to the research on state–Islam relations in Europe. From a comparative European perspective, it demonstrates that Sweden departs from what is generally presented as the common pattern when it comes to when, how and why state-Islam relations were first established. Previous theorising on this topic, primarily connected with Jonathan Laurence’s seminal work on state–Islam relations in Europe, argues that such relations follow two phases, namely (1) Embassy Islam (1960–1990) and (2) the institutionalisation of domestic relations with (national) Muslim Councils (1990-onwards). Our conclusion, however, is that Sweden skipped the first phase and went directly to the second in the mid-1970s. This, we argue, can be explained as the (unplanned) result of a general change in church–state relations in Sweden.
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| 31. |
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| 32. |
- Borevi, Karin, 1968-, et al.
(author)
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The tension between choice and need in the housing of newcomers : A theoretical framework and an application on Scandinavian settlement policies
- 2015
-
In: Urban Studies. - London : Sage Publications. - 0042-0980 .- 1360-063X. ; 52:14, s. 2599-2615
-
Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- The settlement and housing of refugees is high on the agenda in most European countries. This article develops a theoretical perspective on the housing provision of newly arrived migrants and applies it on the national discourses on settlement policies in Sweden, Denmark and Norway. The theoretical discussion focuses on the ambivalence between choice and need in housing policy, and between promoting demos and ethnos in integration policy. The empirical analysis takes its departure in these tensions and investigates the national discourses in terms of three potential arguments for restricting autonomy in the housing market precisely for newly arrived migrants: the legal status, resource and neighbourhood arguments. This frame of analysis makes it possible to interpret and understand the surprisingly strong differences in settlement policies between the three countries.We argue that our theoretical approach and analytical framework should be relevant for understanding national political discourses on settlement policy more generally.
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| 33. |
- Borevi, Karin, 1968-
(author)
-
Understanding Swedish Multiculturalism
- 2013
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In: Debating Multiculturalism in the Nordic Welfare States. - London : Palgrave Macmillan. - 9780230360198 ; , s. 140-169
-
Book chapter (peer-reviewed)
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| 34. |
- Borevi, Karin, 1968-
(author)
-
Välfärdsstaten i det mångkulturella samhället
- 2002
-
Doctoral thesis (other academic/artistic)abstract
- The theoretical point of departure in this dissertation proposes that the liberal welfare state includes a fundamental logic of integration, viewing the attainment of social equality between different categories in society as a main condition for social integration. But how can this logic of integration be applied to a multicultural society? Is trying to achieve equal access to certain socio-economic standards sufficient, or does cultural diversity call for other measures in order to fulfill the aim of equality and integration?In this study it is argued that the liberal welfare state in a multicultural society is confronted with three tensions. Firstly there is a tension between the welfare state’s aim to promote equality and freedom for the individual and at the same time to fulfill certain collective interests and goals. Secondly there is a tension between on the one hand the aim to promote integration within the community of citizens – demos – and on the other hand to tolerate (or even to actively promote) the fact that citizens also enjoy membership in different ethnic communities – ethnos. Thirdly there is a tension between a policy strategy that is general in the sense that all citizens are in principle involved as recipients, and a policy strategy that is targeted as it identifies only members of a certain category of the population as its recipients.These three tensions are used as Weberian ideal types in analyzing the Swedish discourse about policies targeted towards immigrants over a period of 30 years. The study includes an analysis of the discourse within four separate policy areas: the general policy towards immigrants, policies towards immigrants’ voluntary associations, educational policies and housing policies. The empirical results show that, over time, the discourse has moved from a multicultural policy towards a position of civic assimilation.
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| 35. |
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| 36. |
- Borevi, Karin, 1968-, et al.
(author)
-
Välfärdsstaten och de nyanlända : en flyktingplaceringspolitisk probleminventering
- 2010
-
Reports (other academic/artistic)abstract
- The aim of this paper is to make an inventory overview of challenges and problems in the area of refugee settlement policies. An analysis is made of the political development, from the mid 1980s and onwards, of this hotly debated issue in Swedish politics. Then we identify a number of principal themes and problems which arise in relation to questions of dispersal programmes and refugee reception. The paper is based on an ongoing research project at Uppsala University, where refugee settlement policies are studied from a comparative Scandinavian perspective, focusing both on the national level and on the local level.
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| 37. |
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| 38. |
- Friberg, Jon Horgen, et al.
(author)
-
Roma Migration and the Cumulative Causation of Diverging Policy Responses in Scandinavia
- 2023
-
In: The international migration review. - : Sage Publications. - 0197-9183 .- 1747-7379.
-
Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Since 2007, Scandinavia has emerged as a new destination for Romanian Roma engaging in circular migration for begging and street work. Using policy documents from parliamentary debates in Norway, Sweden, and Denmark, survey data on Romanian migrants in Stockholm, Oslo, and Copenhagen, and qualitative fieldwork in Scandinavia and Romania, this article explores the dynamic relationship between Scandinavian policy responses and migrant selection and adaptations. First, we demonstrate how the Scandinavian countries differ in their approach to migration for begging as a policy problem, resulting in different contexts of reception. Second, we show that these different contexts of reception have given rise to differences in the selection and adaptations of migrant beggars and street workers in each of the three capital cities. Third, we hypothesize that the relationship between policy responses and migrant adaptations should be conceptualized as a process of cumulative causation, where pre-existing policy differences are reinforced through positive feedback.
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| 39. |
- Hamrén, Ellinor
(author)
-
A Nationalism of Good Intentions : Dilemmas of inclusion and exclusion
- 2021
-
Licentiate thesis (other academic/artistic)abstract
- The dissertation analyses ethical aspects of nationalism and criticizes the nation-state paradigm. Based on theories that concern various forms of 'benign' nationalism, the dissertation explores fantasies of inclusion with the help of various 'positions'. The question is: How are national identities, which are able to include ethnic minorities, constructed to be ethically justifiable, and what do the fantasies that sustain these ideas look like? Empirically I have worked with media material and have conducted focus groups with various ethno-political activists in Sweden and Finland. These minority groups are discussed based on the positions they hold in relation to the idea of the nation, and also the positions they would hypothetically end up in if their ethno-political struggle were successful. The dissertation is based on a discourse theoretical approach, with specifically the concept of fantasy being utilised from the discourse theoretical framework. My conclusion is that what I call the 'Fantasy of Inclusion', that is, a fantasy that the discourse of nations has taught us to desire, is based on ignoring the ethnic character of different groups in cases where it becomes "uncomfortable" in order to maintain the idea of inclusion as 'benign'.
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| 40. |
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| 41. |
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| 42. |
- Petrogiannis, Vasileios, 1981-
(author)
-
European Mobility and Spatial Belongings : Greek and Latvian migrants in Sweden
- 2020
-
Doctoral thesis (other academic/artistic)abstract
- Nation-states and national identities are a product of European history and have been the most salient framework of spatial identification since the nineteenth century. In the past decades, however, the EU has attempted to foster a supplementary European sense of identity, embodied in the notion of European citizenship. Moreover, the European continent encompasses various macro-regions that have been presented as having certain historical significance and that play a role in identity politics. Two prominent examples are the Baltic and the Mediterranean regions.This study reconstructs through interviews the overlapping identifications of Latvian and Greek migrants, respectively – migrants who have moved to Sweden in different time periods after the Second World War up to the present. The interviews focus on issues related to integration, feelings of belonging and spatial identification with the countries of origin (Latvia, Greece) and residence (Sweden) in order to understand the significance of the nation in the current European context. Another aim is to examine how the idea of a common European identity, as an aggregate based on national and regional affiliation, works in practice. Furthermore, the interviews executed in this study give an account of how migrants position themselves in relation to the Baltic Sea region and the Mediterranean as well as to alternative macro regional spaces. The study of immigrants’ narratives about their social and everyday life, and their personal experience of coping with public authorities seeks to improve our understanding of the current phenomenon of internal European migration, which is still an under-researched field.The analysis shows that the nation, both that of origin and of residence, remains the most significant space of identification for the interviewed EU-migrants. It is obvious that the EU has not brought forth a European identity parallel to the national one. However, elements of European identification and belonging exist in the responses of the migrants, revolving around their benefitting from free mobility inside the EU. This study shows also that there barely is any particular identification with the Baltic and Mediterranean regions among the examined migrants. However, other macro regional identifications appeared, such as the Baltic States for Latvian and the Balkan for Greek interviewees.
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| 43. |
- Pettersson, Johanna
(author)
-
What’s in a Line? : Making Sovereignty through Border Policy
- 2018
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Doctoral thesis (other academic/artistic)abstract
- The role of borders as dividers between states and markers of territorial sovereignty is central to modern statehood. Whereas the voluntary opening of a state border could therefore appear puzzling, this thesis argues that state sovereignty can be manifested either when states allow borders to become more open or more closed. To understand the relation between borders and sovereignty, the empirical focus of this study is the opening of the border between Norway and Russia through the introduction of a local border traffic permit. The sovereignty ideas attached to this border policy are analysed at two different levels: the policy making discourse at the national level and the policy-receiving context at the local level in the municipality next to the border. The empirical study draws on written material – including parliamentary debate transcripts, policy documents, and printed press – to analyse how the border policy was represented in the Norwegian public discourse in the years leading up to its implementation in 2012. The study demonstrates that the opening of the border through local visa freedom was not associated with a loss of sovereignty. At the central level, the introduction of local visa freedom was seen as a means to strengthen the economy in the border region, and to increase exchanges across the border. The expectation is that by improving local cross-border relations, the policy will strengthen Norway’s relations with Russia by securing incentives for friendly bilateral relations. In the local discourse, the main theme concerned expectations on what this border policy would mean for the growth of the local economy. Because the policy is expected to strengthen Norway’s internal cohesion and improve bilateral relations with Russia, the border policy change is seen to reproduce (rather than weaken) Norway’s territorial sovereignty. This conclusion is based on the fact that different dimensions of sovereignty are seen as mutually reinforcing and that centre and periphery are in agreement about the benefits of a more open border. The thesis concludes that we should see policies towards borders as a way to manifest and reproduce state sovereignty.
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- Thapar-Björkert, Suruchi, et al.
(author)
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Gender and the ‘integrationist turn’ : Comparative perspectives on marriage migration in the UK and Sweden
- 2014
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In: Tijdschrift voor Genderstudies. - Amsterdam : Amsterdam University Press. - 1388-3186 .- 2352-2437. ; 17:2, s. 149-165
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Journal article (other academic/artistic)abstract
- Family migration policies are part of a larger integration policy trend referred to as the ‘civic integrationist turn’. States across Europe have moved away from more rights-based approaches for the integration of immigrants towards a stronger emphasis on obligations, implying that new arrivals must prove to have attained certain integration achievements before accessing rights in the host country. This development has to be understood in relation to growing concerns about national identity and social cohesion where immigrant groups are seen to pose a threat to existing liberal values. Arguably, discourses of gender equality are at the heart of this debate, and have pushed the question of women’s emancipation closer to the borders of Fortress Europe. It is in this context that we locate our paper on gender equality discourses on family re-unification policies and more specifically marriage migration in the UK and Sweden. The rationale behind our comparative approach is that these countries share a similar ‘multicultural’ integration policy legacy and were previously regarded to be the most committed to the ‘multicultural programme’. But while the UK has made significant policy moves, with the introduction of stricter requirements, Sweden remains reluctant towards the use of civic conditioning of rights as an integration policy tool.
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