| 1. |
- Ewald, Jonas, 1959-, et al.
(author)
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A Democracy Profile of Tanzania - a background study : A Report presented to the EU-delegation in Tanzania
- 2015
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Reports (other academic/artistic)abstract
- This report highlights the successes and the most serious challenges of democracy at this stage in Tanzania and the priorities needed to address them. The summary also outlines possible entry points through which political dialogue and technical cooperation initiatives could be feasible and have the greatest impact.Tanzania is going through a period of rapid economic, political and cultural change. In a relatively short time, some 25 years, the country has moved from being a one-party state-led system to a market economy and multi-party system, all within the context of limited institutional capacity and resources. Electoral democracy is now fairly well established in principle, even if the independence of the Electoral Management Bodies is questioned. Democratic institutions have been strengthened, although the executive branch continues to dominate over the legislative and judiciary. Freedom of press, association and speech has improved. However, Tanzania cannot be regarded as a deep democracy. The conditions for an open and competitive political system, such as the full respect for political rights, competitive elections, independence of the institutions in charge of accountability promotion and protection of key democratic stakeholders, are not yet fully met. A more comprehensive, substantive democracy would better deliver on political, economic, social and cultural rights by increasing the accountability and participation around political decision-making.However, compared with its neighbours in the sub-region and the whole of Africa, Tanzania does fairly well, as indicated by e.g., in Freedom House index.The main challenge is whether the current political system and power structure has the capacity to continue reforms, furthering the opening up of the political space; and leading to a stronger democratic culture and better economic and social development for the Tanzanian people, in a peaceful way.The economy grows but reduction of poverty remains limited New economic activities develop, and so do an elite and a small middle class in urban, and some rural areas. Expectations are rising, not least among the youth. However, despite economic growth, basic needs poverty has only slightly been reduced from 34,4% to 28%, while the number of people below the poverty line has increased in absolute terms, as a result of continued high population growth. 44 per cent of the population live on less than 1.25 USD a day. Cleavages between the poor and the better off, and between urban and rural areas are deepening. The 2012/2013 household budget survey indicates that poverty has increased everywhere except in Dar es Salaam, and a few larger cities. Hence there is a trajectory of poverty decline but it is still very fragile. Even if the provision of health and education services has improved, - the relative quality of service delivery is arguably not improving or even deteriorating.Changing values. An important heritage of Tanzania is Julius Nyerere’s legacy of nationalism and altruism. However these values have eroded over time, weakening the social fabric that has held the nation together since independence.Globalisation and an increasing number of young people completing their education cycle; rapid urbanisation (particularly among young adults); and the rapid expansion of TV, mobile telephones and internet access have brought about a change in values and expectations and have increased divides between generations and societies, men and woman urban and rural areas. These changing values have also raised awareness, not least of girls and women’s rights, which clash with the traditional patriarchal values. New networks and tools to voice concerns and hold those in power to account have started to develop. Old paternalistic power structures have started to be questioned, potentially opening up the political landscape.New economic actors, especially BRIC countries, are changing the rules of the international game. With an increase in foreign direct investments, Tanzania is becoming less dependent on western aid, causing the majority of the ruling party, and the political administration to challenge traditional reliance on western donors and western perspectives. As a result, support for a western-type liberal democracy from some factions of the political and economic elite might shift towards new role models, such as the BRIC states.A diverse multi-party system has continued to develop since its inception in 1992.Although opposition parties have made progress over the last 10 years, they are still weak and the former only party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), is still ruling. CCM has a well-developed organisation, characterised by a strong central authority. The party has robust personal networks, with close links to all levels of the administration, as well as to various economic elites and power centres outside the party, including the security forces. Even if gradually fading away, the one-party culture is still alive, especially at the local level in rural areas, where the majority of the population still lives. A remarkable change appears to have occurred between 2010 and 2014: In the 2014 Afro barometer survey, 75% of respondents from Tanzania gave support to multi-party democracy, which is among the highest in the Sub Saharan Africa.Until recently, no other party has proven strong enough to challenge CCM. Even though Tanzania now has 21 registered political parties, only five managed to get into Parliament in 2010. The majority election system contributes to preserving CCMs dominance. Only CUF and CHADEMA, and to a lesser extent NCCR-Mageuzi, have transformed into institutionalised political parties and, having received substantial support in the elections, command a degree of legitimacy. Nevertheless, the distribution of financial, human and organisational resources between CCM and the opposition parties remains skewed. Power struggles exist not only between the ruling party and the opposition, but also within each party between different factions and between the opposition parties. These divisions are rarely based on ideological or political differences, but rather on personalities and patronage. Nevertheless, changes have taken place both within the ruling party, through new generations of members whose political world view was formed in a multi-party context, and from outside the party where rapid urbanisation, globalisation and changes of values have provided a breeding ground for new political ideas. In the last five years CHADEMA has developed as a viable alternative to CCM and managed to capture the attention of the young, entrepreneurs and the educated urban middle class. The party won a substantive 27 percent of votes in the 2010 election, and a much higher share of votes in the cities. In the December 2014 local election the opposition preliminarily secured 34% of the seats. Four parties in the opposition have formed a loose coalition called Ukawa, with the aim to field one joint candidate in all constituencies and for the Presidency. For the first time, CCM is facing a real challenge in the 2015 election, even if it is unlikely that it would lose its power on the mainland. In any case, the low voter turnout on the mainland in the 2010 elections (39 percent compared with 73 percent 2005) and the civic polls in December 2014 might signal voter (or democracy) fatigue. Zanzibar maintained its traditionally high voter participation with 89 percent of voters exercising their right in the island of Unguja, and 85 percent in Pemba. Alliance for Change and Transparency (ACT) started by a breakaway faction from CHADEMA 2014 after a power struggle over ideology and leadership with one the periods most effective politicians, Zitto Kabwe, Public Account Committee chairman and a driving force in exposing corruption and misuse of power as one of the leaders, might contribute to a vitalisation of ideology based political debate as the party has declared itself as socialist, while the CHADEMA and CUF have taken on faith based conservative and liberal ideology, respectively.The integrity of the political parties and freedom of organisation and assembly are still limited by various outdated laws and institutions. The Police at times use excessive force with political activists and do not allow public demonstrations. As the multi-party system is not yet consolidated, issues surrounding intimidation and unfair competition are likely to persist for years. The opposition parties would not necessarily be more democratic or efficient than the current ruling party, but they have not yet been given the chance to prove themselves.
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| 2. |
- Ewald, Jonas, 1959-, et al.
(author)
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A Matter of Choice? Cost sharing in health and education from a rights of the child perspective in Pangani, Rombo and Geita Disticts in Tanzania : Final report to Sida/Sarec
- 2007
-
Reports (other academic/artistic)abstract
- This report analyse findings from extensive field research on local level in Pangani, Rombo and Geita districts in the period 2000-2004, on the effects of the introduction of user fees in health and eduction for various types of childrens rights to health and education. The report conclude that a number of reforms have been decided upon and implemented. Still however, the rights of the child to health and education as spelled out in the by Tanzania signed convention on Children’s rights has not been fully respected. Particular children to poorer families, and to a certain girl child’s, rights are violated. Especially vulnerable are orphaned or abandon children, even if they are taken care of by grandmothers. Access to health and education for all children is important for ensuring not only improved life chances for individual children, and households, but also for long term development of the whole country. To increase the fees to health and education does not seem to be a viable road to achieve that, if not poor peoples incomes increase first.Concerning choice health was considered as an emergency cost and always had priority, gender or type of child did not matter. Education was considered to be an investment, and in times of scarce resources, the child considered to have the best opportunities to pass school was given priority, and gender played a lesser role then the team had assumed from the beginning. In no few cases girls were given priority to boys, as girls was considered to be more trustworthy to return the investment in the future. Children belonging to the core family was to a larger exten given priority then other children in the family.
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| 3. |
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| 4. |
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| 5. |
- Ewald, Jonas, 1959-, et al.
(author)
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Recentralisation? Interrogating the state of local democracy, good governance and development in Tanzania
- 2019
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Reports (peer-reviewed)abstract
- This report presents fieldwork data from four case studies carried out between May 2013 and December 2015 on to the extent to which Tanzanian Local Government Reform Programme has brought about more democratic decision-making processes. The main findings point to several positive changes. Good governance reforms, aiming to restructure central and local governments, decentralise, improve capacity and good — and democratic — governance at all levels, have been undertaken and implemented. Parliament and the councils have been strengthened, as well as civil society organisations and media, and they are better able to participate in policy formulation and decision-making. The local government now has well elaborated structures for governance and democratic participation from the sub-village level to the district level. However, the outcomes of the government reforms on democratic processes at the local level have been limited. This study examines the extent to which various actors at different levels can exercise horizontal and vertical accountability. Our findings indicate that the reforms have not adequately changed existing power relations, the interests of the political elite, or the dominant ideology of political actors. Real power still lies in the hands of the ruling party elites at the national and district level and constrains power sharing at the local government authority level and at the ward, village, and sub-village level. Making it difficult for the op-position parties to establish themselves as a viable democratic force at local level. The Local Government Reform Programme has not provided adequate mech- anisms, processes, and incentives to hold political elites and the duty bearers to account, neither vertically nor horizontally, at the different levels of local government. Power distribution has remained top-down with increasing conflict of interest between political and economic elites and citizens, which have not been adequately addressed by local governance. In addition, mediating competing claims over resources remainsa challenge, as the reforms have failed to sufficiently strengthen the governance system at the local levels. A key constraint to improved governance is the lack of awareness, knowledge, and capacity to process information by citizens and elected members of the political structures. The village and the sub-village structures have a huge and underestimated potential, both as entry points into the political system, and as effective mechanisms for democratic governance. However, the opportunity the local government reform programmes had to make a “local turn” – and that briefly did so – appears rather to have turned back to recentralisation.
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| 6. |
- Ewald, Jonas, 1959-, et al.
(author)
-
Recentralisation? The missed opportunity to make a local turn of development, the case of the decentralisation reforms in Tanzania
- 2015
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Conference paper (other academic/artistic)abstract
- This paper present fresh field work data from three case studies carried out in May 2013 to January 2015 on to what extent the Tanzanian Local Government Reform Programmes (LGRP) 1996/2000-2013 has brought about more democratic decision making processes, and hence heralding a “local turn” of development. The main findings point to that even if the local government has well elaborated structures for governance and democratic participation from the sub-village/street to the district level, the outcomes of the LGRP on improving the democratic processes at the local level has been limited. The study examine to what extent various actors at various levels can exercise horizontal and vertical accountability. Our findings indicate that the local government reforms have inadequately changed the existing power relations, political elite interests and ideology of the political actors. Real power still lies in the hands of the ruling party elites at the National and District level and constrains power sharing at the Local Government Authority (LGA) levels and at the Ward, Village and Sub village level. The Local Government Reform has not provided adequate mechanisms, processes and Incentives to hold political elites and the duty bearers to account, neither vertically nor horizontally, at the different levels of local government. Power distribution has remained Top-Down with increasing conflict of interest between the Top and the Bottom. Local governance is inadequately addressing the existing competing interests e.g. personal versus public, party versus collective, local versus national. In addition, mediating competing claims over resources remains a challenge as the local government reforms have inadequately strengthened the governance system at the local levels. One of the largest constraints is the lack of awareness, information and capacity to process information by citizens, and elected members of the political structures. The Village and in particular the Sub-village structures have, however, a huge and underestimated potential, both as entry point in the political system, and as effective mechanisms for democratic governance. However, this opportunity to make ta “local turn” appears to rather have turned to recentralisation
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| 7. |
- Ewald, Jonas, 1959-, et al.
(author)
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Tanzania Local government reform - towards de-centralisation or recentralisation? (Abstract accepted for presentation in the panel Local State-making in Africa.
- 2015
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In: AEGIS V (Africa-Europe Group for Interdisciplinary Studies) Bi-annual Conference, Paris, July 7-8 2015. - Paris, France.
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Conference paper (other academic/artistic)abstract
- Tanzania Local government reform - towards de-centralissation or recentralisation? This paper present fresh field work data from case studies carried out from January 2014 to Mars 2015 on to what extent the Tanzanian Local Government Reform Programmes (LGRP) 2000-2013 has brought about more democratic decision making processes – and state building on local level. The LGRP is a typical “Blueprint administrative reform funded and guided by international donors’ agencies”. The main findings is that the outcomes of the LGRP on improving the democratic processes at the local level has been limited. We examine to what extent various actors, including national and local CSO, at various levels can exercise horizontal and vertical accountability. We also look at the role of large international mining companies and local governments. Our findings indicate that the LGR have inadequately changed the existing power relations, political elite interests and ideology of the political actors. Real power still lies in the hands of the ruling party elites at the National and District level and constrains power sharing at the Local Government Authority (LGA) levels and at the Ward, Village and Sub village level. The LGR has not provided adequate mechanisms, processes and incentives to hold political elites and the duty bearers to account, neither vertically nor horizontally. Power distribution has remained Top-Down with increasing conflict of interest between the Top and the Bottom. Local governance is inadequately addressing the existing competing interests e.g. personal versus public, party versus collective, local versus national. In addition, mediating competing claims over resources remains, in particular in mineral rich areas. One of the largest constraints is the lack of awareness, information and capacity to process information by citizens, and elected members of the political structures.
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| 8. |
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| 9. |
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| 10. |
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| 11. |
- Ewald, Jonas, 1959-, et al.
(author)
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A matter of choice - cost sharing and its implication for social development in Pangani District, Tanzania
- 2001
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In: Göteborg University in Africa. Africa at Göteborg University. - Göteborg : Centre for Africa Studies, Göteborg University. - 9163113481 ; , s. 53-83
-
Book chapter (peer-reviewed)abstract
- This chapter is based on extensive field studies in Pangani district Tanzania on how the introduction of cost-sharing in health and education has affected on the one hand childrens right to health and education, and the quality of health and education provision. The study conclude that cost sharing have had a negative impact on childrens right to health and education and hence on social development in Pangani District. The quality of health and education has not improved with the introduction of cost-sharing.
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| 12. |
- Ewald, Jonas, 1959, et al.
(author)
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A matter of choice? Cost sharing in health and education from a rights of the child perspective : Preliminary observations and conclusions
- 2004
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In: Presented at a feed back work shop with national stakeholders Courtyard Hotel, Dar es Salaam the 17th of January 2004.
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Conference paper (other academic/artistic)abstract
- The objective with the project "A Matter of Choice? Cost Sharing in Health and Education form a Rights of the Child Perspective" was initially to study the effects of the introduction of user fees in the health and education sectors. The study thus brings user fees for both health and education into the same framework. With the abolition of school fees and other fees in 2001 and 2002, the focus of the study has been slightly changed to study how children's rights to health and education have been affected by the ongoing reforms of the economy, the administration and the reforms in the health and educational sector.
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| 13. |
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| 14. |
- Ewald, Jonas, 1959, et al.
(author)
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A strategic conflict analysis for the Great Lakes region
- 2004
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Reports (other academic/artistic)abstract
- The purpose of this study is to give some input to the preparation process of a new regional strategy for Swedish international development co- operation in the Great Lakes region. The report draws on a number of field visits carried out from May to November 2003. Extensive reviews of secondary material were also conducted. The report is organised in a three sections: the first section with an intro- duction and theoretical point of departure and an overview of the major sources of conflicts on the regional level, a chapter on regional conflict resolu- tions mechanisms and lastly a chapter outlining crosscutting issues from the country analyses; the second section consists of a chapter on scenarios and a chapter on policy recommendations; the third section consists of country analyses of Rwanda, Burundi, DRC, Uganda and Kenya. In the country analyses, we show the major structural, proxy and triggering factors behind the current conflict configuration. The country analyses constitute the stepping- stone for the crosscutting issues and regional analysis in section two. The overall conclusion of our work is that the peace process has taken some very important steps forward during 2003. Both the governments of the region, and the international donors display a commitment to peace and development. Despite certain local outbreaks of violence in more than one of the countries, the generalised violence has come to a halt. However, this situation cannot be taken for granted, and there are still risks for reversals. It is this perspective the future role of the international community must be seen. Among the concepts included in our theoretical points of departure are the well-known distinction between direct violence and structural violence. The present military situation, with fading expres- sions of violence, means that direct violence in the region is fading, while there are still no signs of any coherent strategy for what we have chosen to call structural violence reduction. Thus, first and foremost, the international donors should at all costs promote a development strategy which is based the immediate need to direct all efforts to reduce the structural violence in the region. Basically, this is about dealing with people’s basic needs satisfaction. Without this, huge amounts of people, not least young people, in the region will continue to be vulnerable and receptive for any kind of mobilisation to renewed direct violence.
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| 15. |
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| 16. |
- Ewald, Jonas, 1959-
(author)
-
Are democracy, good governance and development improving at the national and local level in Tanzania? 25th of October 2015 : Progress report to COSTECH for the project with research clearance No: 2014-66-NA-2014-21
- 2015
-
Reports (other academic/artistic)abstract
- This paper present fresh field work data from three case studies carried out in different fieldworks in the period January 2014 to February 2015 on to what extent the Tanzanian Local Government Reform Programmes (LGRP) 1996/2000-2013 (5) has brought about more democratic and decentralised decision making processes. The main findings point to that even if the local government has well elaborated structures for governance and democratic participation from the sub-village/street to the district level, the outcomes of the LGRP on improving the democratic processes at the local level has been limited. We examine to what extent various actors at various levels can - and do -exercise horizontal and vertical accountability. Our findings indicate that the local government reforms have inadequately changed the existing power relations, political elite interests and ideology of the political actors. Real power still lies in the hands of the ruling party elites at the National and District level and constrains power sharing at the Local Government Authority (LGA) levels and at the Ward, Village and Sub village level. The Local Government Reform has not provided adequate mechanisms, processes and Incentives to hold political elites and the duty bearers to account, neither vertically nor horizontally, at the different levels of local government. Power distribution has remained Top-Down with increasing conflict of interest between the Top and the Bottom. Local governance is inadequately addressing the existing competing interests e.g. personal versus public, party versus collective, local versus national. In addition, mediating competing claims over resources remains a challenge as the local government reforms have inadequately strengthened the governance system at the local levels. One of the largest constraints is the lack of awareness, information and capacity to process information by citizens, and elected members of the political structures. The Village and in particular the Sub-village structures have, however, a huge and underestimated potential, both as entry point in the political system, and as effective mechanisms for democratic governance. The overall conclusion is that the decentralisation process has been reversed to a re-centralisation process.
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| 17. |
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| 18. |
- Ewald, Jonas, 1959-
(author)
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Challenges for the democratisation process in Tanzania : Moving towards consolidation 50 years after independence?
- 2011
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Doctoral thesis (other academic/artistic)abstract
- Tanzania has been independent in 2011 for 50 years. While most neighbouring states have gone through violent conflicts, Tanzania has managed to implement extensive reforms without armed political conflicts. Hence, Tanzania is an interesting case for Peace and Development research. This thesis analyses the political development in Tanzania since the introduction of the multiparty system in 1992, with a focus on the challenges for the democratisation process in connection with the 2000 and 2005 elections. The question of to what extent Tanzania has moved towards a consolidation of democracy, is analysed through an analysis of nine different institutions of importance for democratisation, grouped in four spheres, the state, the political, civil and economic society. Focus is on the development of the political society, and the role of the opposition in particular. The analysis is based on secondary and primary material collected in the period September 2000 to April 2010. The main conclusion is that even if the institutions of liberal democracy have gradually developed, in practice single-party rule has continued, manifested in the 2005 election when the CCM won 92% of the seats in the parliament. Despite an impressive economic growth, poverty remains deep and has not been substantially reduced. On a theoretical level this brings the old debate between liberal and substantive democracy back to the fore. Neither the economic nor the political reforms have apparently brought about a transformation of the political and economic system resulting in the poor majority gaining substantially more political influence and improved economic conditions. Hence, it is argued that the interface between the economic, political and administrative reforms has not been sufficiently considered in the liberal democratic tradition. Liberal democracy is necessary for a democratic development, but not sufficient for democracy to be consolidated. For that a substantive democratic development is necessary.
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| 19. |
- Ewald, Jonas, 1959-
(author)
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Challenges for the democratisation process in Tanzania. Moving towards consolidation years after independence?
- 2013
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Book (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Tanzania has been independent in 2011 for 50 years. While most neighbouring states have gone through violent conflicts, Tanzania has managed to implement extensive reforms without armed political conflicts, Hence, Tanzania is an interesting case for Peace and Development research. This dissertation analyses the political development in Tanzania since the introduction of the multiparty system in 1992, with a focus on the challenges for the democratisation process in connection with the 2000 and 2005 elections. The question of to what extent Tanzania had moved towards a consolidation of democracy, is analysed by looking at nine different institutions of importance for democratisation grouped in four spheres: the state, the political, civil and economic society. Focus is on the development of the political society, and the role of the opposition in particular. The analysis is based on secondary and primary material collected between September 2000 to April 2010. The main conclusion is that even if the institutions of liberal democracy have gradually developed, in practice single-party rule has continued, manifested in the 2005 election when the CCM won 92% of seats. Despite impressive economic growth, poverty remains deep and has not been substantially reduced. On a theoretical level this brings the old debate between liberal and substantive democracy back to the fore. Neither the economic nor the political reforms have brought about a transformation of the political and economic system resulting in the poor majority gaining substantially more political influence and improved economic conditions. Hence, it is argued that the interface between the economic, political and administrative reforms has not been sufficiently considered in the liberal democratic tradition. Liberal democracy is necessary for a democratic development, but not sufficient for democracy to be consolidated. For that a substantive democratic development is necessary.About the author:Jonas Ewald is lecturer and researcher in Peace and Development Studies. His main research areas are democratisation and its linkages to development, conflicts, and post-conflict management, with a focus on East Africa/Great Lakes Region—and Tanzania and Rwanda in particular.
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| 20. |
- Ewald, Jonas, 1959-, et al.
(author)
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Challenges for the Opposition and Democratisation in Tanzania: A View from the Opposition
- 2012
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In: Africa Development. - Dakar, Senegal : Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa. - 0850-3907. ; 37:2, s. 63-95
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- In the period after 1990, a massive return to liberalised forms of politics has taken place and has been largely centred around the dismantling of one party- regimes, the termination of a large number of military-led or dominated governments, the embrace of a multiparty political framework, the introduction of an independent media, the restoration of some basic freedoms to the people of the countries concerned and the convening of multi-party elections. This development was so widespread and overwhelming that it was seen by many observers as the beginning of Africa’s second liberation (Olukoshi 1998; Gyimah-Boadi 2004; Mkandawire 2006). Potential gains to the peoples from the liberalisation of their national political spaces were undermined since the 1980s by the conditions set by outside suppliers of necessary resources, combined with internal challenges in terms of weak institutions, civil society and media as well as lack of a tradition of multi- party democracy and general poverty. Matters appear to have been worsened by the fact that in many African countries the promise which the opposition once represented as the bearer of the hopes and aspirations of the people has substantially faded away. Several factors have contributed to weaken and, in some cases, discredit the opposition in much of Africa’s ongoing experience with multiparty politics. This is a serious development that begs for further investigation; as the development of a healthy and vigorous opposition is a major part of a democratic framework. In this study, we will see how the situation in Tanzania has evolved over the past 17 years of multi-party development; based on rather unique interviews with Professor Ibrahim Lipumba, leader of one of Tanzania’s major opposition parties.
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| 21. |
- Ewald, Jonas, 1959
(author)
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Challenges to the democratisation process in Tanzania
- 2005
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In: Paper presented at the NAI (Nordic Africa Institute) conference: Tanzania - a critical analysis, 5-6 September 2005, Uppsala, Sweden.
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Conference paper (other academic/artistic)
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| 22. |
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| 23. |
- Ewald, Jonas, 1959-
(author)
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Coffee and Music. Two positive examples of peace building, social cohesion and future challenges, some reflections from Rwanda and Tanzania
- 2018
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In: The time travel method – in the service of society and its development.. - Kalmar : Kalmar Läns Museum. - 9789185926855 ; , s. 56-63
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Book chapter (peer-reviewed)abstract
- In this short article I give two contrasting and interesting examples of how heritage can contribute to build peace and cohesion, even in diverse societies that have suffered from protracted conflicts. The first example is Rwanda, a country that has experienced one of the worst genocides since the Second World War. It is difficult to imagine a country more torn apart. In this article I present a positive concrete example of how it is possible, even after a genocide, to build peace and development with the help of a combination of heritage and civil society organisation, local government, universities and international organisations. The second example is Tanzania, a country which is an exception in a region, where all neighbouring countries have been involved in protracted violence, where no violent conflicts, so far, has developed (Ewald 2013). With the Tanzanian case I would like to illustrate the role popular music can play for peaceful development and social cohesion.
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| 24. |
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| 25. |
- Ewald, Jonas, 1959-, et al.
(author)
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Democratization in a Global World
- 1999
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In: Peace and development. Their interrealtionship in a the Globala System. A festschrift in honour of Björn Hettne.. - Göteborg : Padrigu, Göteborgs Universitet. - 9187380447 ; , s. 30-
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Book chapter (other academic/artistic)
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| 26. |
- Ewald, Jonas, 1959-
(author)
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Demokratiseringens utmaningar i Tanzania
- 2012
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In: Habari : medlemsblad för Svensk tanzaniska föreningen. - Stockholm : Swedish Tanzanian Friendship Association. - 0345-4371. ; 44:3, s. 8-9
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Journal article (pop. science, debate, etc.)
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| 27. |
- Ewald, Jonas, 1959, et al.
(author)
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Education and poverty in Geita district : Some findings from the project “A Matter of Choice”, Geita district November- December 2003
- 2004
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In: Paper presented at the BERRIPA conference "Education and Poverty", 6-7 April 2004, Eland Hotel Arusha Tanzania.
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Conference paper (other academic/artistic)abstract
- In November 2003, the third field study in the project ”A matter of choice? Cost sharing in health and education from a rights of the child perspective” was conducted in Geita District. This paper is a first provisional draft of the ongoing analysis of the material. The aim of the of the project is to study how different groups of children’s rights to health and education have been effected by the ongoing reforms of the economy, the administration and the reforms in the health and educational sector. In this paper we focus on how the economic base for the household are perceived to have changed, the education sector and the choices the household have to make.
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| 28. |
- Ewald, Jonas, 1959-, et al.
(author)
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Education and poverty in Tanzania: Some indications from reserach in Geita District
- 2004
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In: Education, Poverty and Inequality. - Dar es Salaam : KAD Associates. - 9987580084
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Book chapter (peer-reviewed)abstract
- The chapter present findings from a field reseaerch in Geita District on the effect on childrens right to health and eduction when cost-sharing was introduced in the context of the neoliberal structural adjusments programs. The study finds that school enrolment fell dramaticall and dropout rates dramatically increased. In particular among poor households. We analysed the findings with Amartya Sen's capability approach and conclude that childrens right's to education as well as their capabilities drastically has been reduced as a consequence of cost sharing. The quality of education has not improved either.
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| 29. |
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| 30. |
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| 31. |
- Ewald, Jonas, 1959-
(author)
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Fördjupas den demokratiska samhällsutvecklingen i Tanzania? Valen 2015.
- 2015
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Conference paper (pop. science, debate, etc.)abstract
- Fördjupas den demokratiska samhällsutvecklingen i Tanzania? Valen 2015.Tanzania är ett intressant exempel i Afrika, med en relativt god demokratisk och ekonomisk utveckling - och inga väpnade konflikter. Det senaste året har dock ett antal lagar införts som begränsar informations och yttrandefrihet och den föreslagna nya konstitutionen kritiseraras av oppositionen. Situationen på Zanzibar är spänd. Och den politiska temparaturen het inför de uppkommande valen hösten 2015. I vilken riktning går den politiska utvecklingen i Tanzania?
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| 32. |
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| 33. |
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| 34. |
- Ewald, Jonas, 1959-
(author)
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Nine challenges for the transition to democracy in Tanzania
- 2011
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In: ECAS 4, the 4th European Conference on African Studies. - Uppsala : Nordiska Afrikainstitutet.
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Conference paper (other academic/artistic)abstract
- Nine challenges for the democratisation process in Tanzania is analysed, based on extensive field work in connection with the elections in 1995, 1999/2000, 2004/2005 and in 2008.
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| 35. |
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| 36. |
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| 37. |
- Ewald, Jonas, 1959, et al.
(author)
-
Pris banar väg för rättvis handel i västra Götaland
- 2005
-
In: Debattartikel GöteborgsPosten 24 november 2005.
-
Journal article (other academic/artistic)abstract
- Det finns goda möjligheter att öka försäljningen av rättvisemärkta varor i Göteborg och Västra Götaland. Endast 20 svenska kommuner ställer i dag sociala och etiska krav i sin upphandling, skriver Jonas Ewald och Stefan Edman med anledning av att Göteborgs internationella miljöpris delas ut.
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| 38. |
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| 39. |
- Ewald, Jonas, 1959
(author)
-
Rwanda
- 2005
-
In: Andreas Mehler, Henning Melber & Klaas van Walraven (eds), Africa year book 2004: politics, economy and society south of the Sahara. - : Leiden: Brill Academic Publishers. - 90 04 14462 5
-
Book chapter (other academic/artistic)abstract
- The Africa Yearbook covers major domestic political developments, the foreign policy and socio-economic trends in sub-Sahara Africa - all related to developments in one calendar year. The Yearbook contains articles on all sub-Saharan states, each of the four sub-regions (West, Central, Eastern, Southern Africa) focusing on major cross-border developments and sub-regional organizations as well as one article on continental developments and one on European-African relations. While the articles have thorough academic quality, the Yearbook is mainly oriented to the requirements of a large range of target groups: students, politicians, diplomats, administrators, journalists, teachers, practitioners in the field of development aid as well as business people. Readership: Students, politicians, diplomats, administrators, journalists, teachers, practitioners in the field of development aid as well as business people.
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| 40. |
|
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| 41. |
- Ewald, Jonas, 1959-
(author)
-
Rwanda : Political, Economic and International development 2004
- 2005
-
In: Africa Yearbook Volume 1. - Leiden : Brill Academic Publishers. - 9004144625 - 9789004144620 ; , s. 313-325
-
Book chapter (peer-reviewed)abstract
- The chapter analyses Rwanda´s political, and socio-economic developments in 2004. The post-genocide tensions, efforts to build institutions for reconciliation and justice and the regional conflict dynamics are assesed and put in context.
|
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| 42. |
- Ewald, Jonas, 1959-
(author)
-
Rwanda : Political, Economic and International development 2005
- 2006
-
In: Africa Yearbook Volume 2. - Leiden : Brill Academic Publishers. - 9789004154865 ; , s. 310-322
-
Book chapter (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Rwanda's political and economic development 2005 is analysed. The reconciliation process and the proceedings of the gaca gaca courts as well as the trial processes in the International tribunal for Rwanda is summarised. The regional and international relations is discussed, and the conflict dynamic assessed. Challenges are identified.
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| 43. |
- Ewald, Jonas, 1959-
(author)
-
Rwanda
- 2008
-
In: Africa Yearbook 4. - Leiden : Brill Academic Publishers. - 9789004168053 - 9789047443520 ; , s. 347-359
-
Book chapter (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Regional conflict dynamics and political development in Rwanda 2007 is analysed. Reforms, institution building, effort to balance between reconciliation and justice is analysed. Human rights and the debate on the political space in Rwanda are assessed. Rwanda's relation to the region and the international society is discussed.
|
|
| 44. |
- Ewald, Jonas, 1959
(author)
-
Rwanda 2004
- 2005
-
In: Andreas Mehler, Henning Melber and Klaas van Walraven (eds). Africa Year Book 1. Politics, Economy and Society South of the Sahara 2004. Brill Publishers 2005. - Leiden & Boston : Brill Publishers. - 978 90 04 14462 0
-
Book chapter (other academic/artistic)abstract
- [Book:] The Africa Yearbook covers major domestic political developments, the foreign policy and socio-economic trends in sub-Sahara Africa – all related to developments in one calendar year. The Yearbook contains articles on all sub-Saharan states, each of the four sub-regions (West, Central, Eastern, Southern Africa) focusing on major cross-border developments and sub-regional organizations as well as one article on continental developments and one on European-African relations. While the articles have thorough academic quality, the Yearbook is mainly oriented to the requirements of a large range of target groups: students, politicians, diplomats, administrators, journalists, teachers, practitioners in the field of development aid as well as business people.
|
|
| 45. |
- Ewald, Jonas, 1959
(author)
-
Rwanda 2005
- 2006
-
In: Andreas Mehler, Henning Melber and Klaas van Walraven (eds). Africa Year Book 1. Politics, Economy and Society South of the Sahara 2005. Brill Publishers 2006. - Leiden & Boston : Brill Publishers. - 978 90 04 15486 5
-
Book chapter (other academic/artistic)abstract
- [Book:] The Africa Yearbook covers major domestic political developments, the foreign policy and socio-economic trends in sub-Sahara Africa – all related to developments in one calendar year. The Yearbook contains articles on all sub-Saharan states, each of the four sub-regions (West, Central, Eastern, Southern Africa) focusing on major cross-border developments and sub-regional organizations as well as one article on continental developments and one on European-African relations. While the articles have thorough academic quality, the Yearbook is mainly oriented to the requirements of a large range of target groups: students, politicians, diplomats, administrators, journalists, teachers, practitioners in the field of development aid as well as business people.
|
|
| 46. |
- Ewald, Jonas, 1959
(author)
-
Rwanda 2006
- 2007
-
In: Andreas Mehler, Henning Melber and Klaas van Walraven (eds). Africa Year Book 1. Politics, Economy and Society South of the Sahara 2006. Brill Publishers 2007. - Leiden & Boston : Brill Publishers. - 978 90 04 16263 1
-
Book chapter (other academic/artistic)abstract
- [Book:] The Africa Yearbook covers major domestic political developments, the foreign policy and socio-economic trends in sub-Sahara Africa – all related to developments in one calendar year. The Yearbook contains articles on all sub-Saharan states, each of the four sub-regions (West, Central, Eastern, Southern Africa) focusing on major cross-border developments and sub-regional organizations as well as one article on continental developments and one on European-African relations. While the articles have thorough academic quality, the Yearbook is mainly oriented to the requirements of a large range of target groups: students, politicians, diplomats, administrators, journalists, teachers, practitioners in the field of development aid as well as business people.
|
|
| 47. |
- Ewald, Jonas, 1959
(author)
-
Rwanda 2007
- 2008
-
In: Andreas Mehler, Henning Melber and Klaas van Walraven (eds). Africa Year Book 1. Politics, Economy and Society South of the Sahara 2007. Brill Publishers 2008. - Leiden & Boston : Brill Publishers. - 978 90 04 16805 3
-
Book chapter (other academic/artistic)abstract
- [Book:] The Africa Yearbook covers major domestic political developments, the foreign policy and socio-economic trends in sub-Sahara Africa – all related to developments in one calendar year. The Yearbook contains articles on all sub-Saharan states, each of the four sub-regions (West, Central, Eastern, Southern Africa) focusing on major cross-border developments and sub-regional organizations as well as one article on continental developments and one on European-African relations. While the articles have thorough academic quality, the Yearbook is mainly oriented to the requirements of a large range of target groups: students, politicians, diplomats, administrators, journalists, teachers, practitioners in the field of development aid as well as business people.
|
|
| 48. |
- Ewald, Jonas, 1959-
(author)
-
Rwanda. A model for successful post-conflict transformation – or a freezing of underlying conflicts?
- 2005
-
In: Nordic Africa Days. The panel Post-Conflict Transition, The State and Civil Society in Africa. - Uppsala.
-
Conference paper (other academic/artistic)abstract
- The paper analyse Rwanda's development after the genocide and the regional dynamics. The balance between reconciliation and justice is discussed, and the Rwandan model for post-conflict management. The regional conflict complex is analysed and how Rwanda is linked, directly and indirectly.
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| 49. |
|
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| 50. |
- Ewald, Jonas, 1959, et al.
(author)
-
Strategic conflict analysis: Lake Victoria region
- 2004
-
Reports (other academic/artistic)abstract
- The overall objective of the Strategic Conflict Analysis of the Lake Victoria is to deepen Sidas understanding of potential and ongoing conflicts, with the aim of strengthening Sida's ability to contribute to conflict management responses in the regions. The analysis includes an overview of the regional conflict context in order to identify current trends within the regions and map out conflict related risks and opportunities for promoting peace, with a view to outlining a number of options for Sida's work in the future.
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