| 1. |
- Bjarnegård, Elin, 1976-, et al.
(author)
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Gender, peace and armed conflict
- 2015
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In: SIPRI Yearbook 2015. - Oxford : Oxford University Press. - 9780198737810 ; , s. 101-109
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Book chapter (peer-reviewed)
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| 2. |
- Brosché, Johan, 1978-, et al.
(author)
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Nio punkter för global fred (Nine Points for Global Peace)
- 2015
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Other publication (pop. science, debate, etc.)abstract
- Insatserna för global fred måste stärkas skriver tolv företrädare för institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning apropå att världens ledare samlas i dag i New York för att anta 17 nya globala mål för en bättre värld och mer hållbar utveckling.
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| 3. |
- Brounéus, Karen, 1973-, et al.
(author)
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The bumpy road of peace research: reflections on sharing mistakes in fieldwork
- 2022
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In: Third World Quarterly. - : Informa UK Limited. - 0143-6597 .- 1360-2241. ; , s. 1-9
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- As medicine strives to find cures to illness, peace researchers strive to find cures for war-broken societies. To this end, we depend on learning from people who have survived political violence, in sensitive conflict settings. There is increasing awareness of the imperative of ethical reflection before, during and after ‘fieldwork’. However, the rocky road of doing the actual fieldwork in conflict settings is seldom part of our polished articles. The messiness, the ethical dilemmas, our hesitations, mistakes, regrets remain hidden. We argue this needs to change. We believe it is time for conflict-research to join the novel self-reflexive footsteps of neuroscience and psychology, and build a research culture of reflection and honesty, which includes the sharing of mistakes. If not, we will inevitably continue making the same mistakes over and over again. Reflexive honesty will make our research sustainable ethically, scientifically, and financially. Our aim with this article is to open such a conversation by sharing some recent experiences of fieldwork in Nepal: what went well, what we did wrong, and what we learned in this process. Hopefully, by sharing our lessons learned we can together, in time, make conflict research safer, richer, and more meaningful – for everyone involved.
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| 4. |
- Brounéus, Karen, 1973-, et al.
(author)
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The Gendered Links between War-Related Trauma and Attitudes to Peace : Exploring Survey Data from Guatemala, Nepal, and Northern Ireland
- 2017
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Conference paper (other academic/artistic)abstract
- While some studies suggest that women hold more peaceful attitudes than man, few studies have explored this question in the context of post-conflict countries. We argue that women, in this context, may in fact hold more negative views regarding attitudes of relevance for peacebuilding, for three reasons. First, the ways in which women are negatively affected by armed conflict are generally not sufficiently prioritized in the post-conflict period. Second, women and men are often subjected to different types of violence during armed conflict and the types of violence affecting women may to a larger extent carry stigma. Third, women are more likely to develop PTSD after traumatic events. These three factors all lead us to expect women to hold more negative towards peacebuilding. We explore these interconnections using data from a survey fielded in three post-conflict countries: Guatemala, Nepal, and Northern Ireland. Our preliminary analysis indicates support for our proposition, as women, for instance, are less positive than men towards truth-telling initiatives, less willing to allow refugees and ex-combatants return to their homes, and less likely to support amnesties.
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| 5. |
- Brounéus, Karen, 1973-, et al.
(author)
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Women, peace and insecurity : The risks of peacebuilding in everyday life for women in Sri Lanka and Nepal
- 2024
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In: PLOS ONE. - : Public Library of Science (PLoS). - 1932-6203. ; 19:5
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Truth telling processes, initiatives to prosecute war-time perpetrators, and ex-combatant reintegration are examples of common peacebuilding practices after war. Yet, little is known of how women are affected by peacebuilding initiatives such as these, or how they perceive these initiatives for peace. For many women, peace after war does not bring peace to everyday life; research shows that domestic violence increases during and after war. In addition, some peacebuilding measures have been found to increase risk and insecurity, not least for women. To better understand the interconnections between gender and post-conflict attitudes to peacebuilding, we asked 2,041 women and men in Sri Lanka and Nepal of their views on post-war peace initiatives. In line with our expectations, we find that women are more skeptical than men towards peacebuilding measures that involve increased risk in everyday life, such as truth-telling and coexisting with former adversaries and warring groups reintegrating in local communities. There are no gender differences pertaining to peacebuilding initiatives that take place far away at the national level, for example, concerning accountability or, in the case of Nepal, the peace agreement. Our findings suggest that international peacebuilding practice is blind to the everyday insecurities of women after war. That a basic gendered lens is missing from most peacebuilding designs is both alarming and deeply troubling, but identifying this critical aspect provides the opportunity for imperative change. By shedding light on the challenges women face after war, we hope this article contributes to finding ways to mitigate unknown and unintended side-effects of peacebuilding efforts, and thereby to the development of better, evidence-based peacebuilding practice–of benefit to both men and women.
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| 6. |
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| 7. |
- Duque-Salazar, Juan Diego, et al.
(author)
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Implementing Gender Provisions : A Study of the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro in the Philippines
- 2023
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In: International Negotiation. - : Brill Nijhoff. - 1382-340X .- 1571-8069. ; 28:2, s. 306-337
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- While scholars on gender provisions have focused on why and how this type of peace agreement clause gets incorporated, few studies have sought to improve our understanding of the implementation process. Addressing this gap empirically, this study utilizes unique interview material to analyze the initial stages of realizing the 2014 Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro in the Philippines. The article bridges and expands on key theoretical insights based on three explanations suggested by previous research: 1) state capacity on promoting gender equality; 2) the mobilization of women's organizations; and 3) gender awareness of international actors. We find that the strategic actions of women's organizations combined with state capacity accelerated the implementation. However, their influence was dependent on whether or not the government prioritized the gender provisions, and whether international actors provided financial support to the agreement infrastructure.
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| 11. |
- Forsberg, Erika, 1976-
(author)
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Do Ethnic Dominoes Fall? : Evaluating Domino Effects of Granting Territorial Concessions to Separatist Groups
- 2013
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In: International Studies Quarterly. - : Oxford University Press (OUP). - 0020-8833 .- 1468-2478. ; 57:2, s. 329-340
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Forsberg, Erika. (2013) Evaluating Domino Effects of Granting Territorial Concessions to Separatist Groups. International Studies Quarterly, doi: 10.1111/isqu.12006 (c) 2013 International Studies Association There is a commonly expressed concern that granting territorial concessions to separatist groups may create domino effects. However, although this statement is largely undisputed within political rhetoric, no firm conclusions have been provided in previous research. The purpose of this study is to systematically examine whether the granting of territorial concessions to an ethnic group does indeed spur new separatist conflicts. I suggest that such domino effects may be generated by two processes. First, the accommodation of an ethnic group's separatist demands may trigger a general inspiration process among other groups within and across borders. Second, by acquiescing to separatist demands, a government signals that it may also yield to the demands of other groups it confronts, making it more likely that other groups choose to pursue secessionism. Statistical analysis of data on territorial concessions globally 1989-2004 provides no evidence of domino effects. This holds true both within and across borders.
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| 12. |
- Forsberg, Erika, Docent, 1976-, et al.
(author)
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Examining Gender Inequality and Armed Conflict at the Subnational Level
- 2021
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In: Journal of Global Security Studies. - : Oxford University Press (OUP). - 2057-3170 .- 2057-3189. ; 6:2
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- A growing body of quantitative research points to a robust relationship between gender inequality and armed conflict. In order to progress our understanding of this relationship, we make two contributions. First, we identify three potential explanations as to why gender inequality can be associated with conflict—gender inequality norms, societal capacity, and gendered socioeconomic development—and suggest an empirical strategy to gauge the explanatory leverage of each explanation. Second, we offer a more nuanced treatment of the dependent variable at the subnational level, moving beyond a dichotomized view of armed conflict to accounting for both its level and type. We test our hypotheses using district-level data on gender inequality and conflicts in India, covering the 1989–2014 period. Our findings show that the three explanations do not produce the same outcomes in the data. We argue that this speaks to the need to adjudicate between different forms of mechanisms that can connect gender inequality to conflict. Our results show support for women's status being important for understanding a society's capacity to handle conflict nonviolently. On the negative side, gendered socioeconomic developments resulting in a male surplus create conditions conducive for armed conflict, particularly in urban areas. A more surprising finding is that the gender inequality norm, in and of itself, does not appear to have a strong effect on the risk of armed conflict. This does not mean that we can disregard the explanation, but it underlines that there can be inherent problems with this commonly used argument.
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| 13. |
- Forsberg, Erika, 1976-, et al.
(author)
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Gender and conflict in Asia
- 2017
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In: Raisina Files. - New Delhi : Observer Research Foundation. - 9788186818251 ; , s. 42-49
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Book chapter (pop. science, debate, etc.)
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| 14. |
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| 15. |
- Forsberg, Erika, Docent, 1976-, et al.
(author)
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Gender Inequality and Internal Armed Conflict
- 2016
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In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics. - : Oxford University Press. ; , s. 1-18
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Prior research has found robust support for a relationship between gender inequality and civil war. These results all point in the same direction; countries that display lower levels of gender equality are more likely to become involved in civil conflict, and violence is likely to be even more severe, than in countries where women have a higher status. But what does gender inequality mean in this area of research? And how does research explain why we see this effect on civil war? Exploring this requires reviewing existing definitions and measurements of gender inequality, a concept that has several dimensions. Several clusters of explanations show how gender inequality could be related to civil war while more equal societies are better able to prevent violent conflict. It is clear that existing misconceptions that gender inequality primarily involves the role of women are clouding the fact that it clearly speaks to much broader societal developments which play central roles in civil war.
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| 20. |
- Forsberg, Erika, 1976-
(author)
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Neighbors at Risk : A Quantitative Study of Civil War Contagion
- 2009
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Doctoral thesis (other academic/artistic)abstract
- While previous research shows that civil wars can spread to neighboring states, we do not know why certain neighbors are more at risk than others. To address this research gap, this dissertation proposes a contagion process approach that can identify the most likely targets of contagion effects from an ongoing conflict. Using data with global coverage, theoretical expectations about why and where civil wars would have contagion effects, are examined in a series of statistical analyses. Paper I argues and empirically supports that a country is more susceptible to contagion effects when it is characterized by ethnic polarization, where few ethnic groups form a delicate balance. Paper II argues and provides evidence that the involvement in conflict by an ethnic group in one country increases the likelihood of ethnic conflict erupting in a neighboring country that shares the same ethnic group. Paper III suggests and finds support that the arrival and long-term hosting of refugees from states in civil conflict make host states more likely to experience civil conflict. Paper IV examines the common notion that the granting of autonomy or independence to separatist groups may spur other ethnic groups to violently pursue similar demands, starting off a domino effect. Using new global data on such territorial concessions, the analysis does not support this version of the “domino theory,” which is popular among policy-makers. In sum, this dissertation contributes by demonstrating the usefulness of the contagion process approach. It offers a more comprehensive view of contagion among neighbors, and as such is able to specify arguments and intuitions in previous research.
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| 21. |
- Forsberg, Erika, 1976-
(author)
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Polarization and Ethnic Conflict in a Widened Strategic Setting
- 2008
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In: Journal of Peace Research. - : SAGE Publications. - 0022-3433 .- 1460-3578. ; 45:2, s. 283-300
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Ethnic groups and conflicts often transcend country borders, indicating that notions of relative strength and resolve may also surpass such borders. This study focuses on the association between ethnic polarization and conflict in a widened strategic environment, encapsulating each state that experiences ethnic conflict and its neighboring states, and involving contagion processes. Two claims are presented. First, when a state experiences ethnic conflict, neighboring states that are ethnically polarized are more likely to also experience ethnic conflict. Second, when a group involved in ethnic conflict has a kinship tie to a group in a neighboring state, the latter group is increasingly likely to be inspired to challenge the government and end up in ethnic conflict. This should be especially likely if the group resides in a state characterized by ethnic polarization. To evaluate these claims, this article employs logit regression on a global dataset covering the period from 1989 to 2004. The empirical analysis supports the first claim; polarized states are indeed associated with an increased likelihood of contagion processes. The findings also demonstrate that kinship links make contagion more likely; however, this effect is not conditioned by the level of ethnic polarization. The results are robust to a series of alternative specifications. In conclusion, these findings point to the importance of incorporating a widened strategic setting in the analysis when examining the association between ethnic polarization and civil conflict.
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| 22. |
- Forsberg, Erika, 1976-
(author)
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Refugees and Intrastate Armed Conflict : A Contagion Process Approach
- 2009
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Conference paper (peer-reviewed)abstract
- A common assertion is that refugees may cause civil war to spread from one state to another. Although often suggested, this claim has received little scrutiny. Hence, this study intends to statistically evaluate refugee flows as a cause of the contagion of conflict using a contagion process approach. This approach includes both the sending and receiving state by starting with a state with armed conflict – this conflict may generate refugee flows – and examining whether a neighboring state that receives these refugees are more prone to end up in armed conflict than a neighboring state that does not receive refugee flows. Adapting this approach enables an empirical distinction between some of the explanations proposed in previous literature. These explanations are very diverse; even so, they have not been separated systematically in previous empirical analyses. First, it is hypothesized that refugee flows from conflict areas are associated with spill-over effects that make receiving states more likely to experience conflict. Second, it is suggested that neighboring states with latent conflicts are more sensitive to the inflow of refugee flows and, consequently, more likely to escalate into militarized conflict. Third, it is argued that a significant change in the ethnic geography of the host state due to refugee flows makes ethnic conflict in the host state more likely. Such disruptions of the ethnic geography are more likely to generate conflict when the state is characterized by a precarious ethnic balance. The findings suggest that refugee flows are indeed associated with an increased risk of both internal conflict in general and ethnic conflict in particular. The conditional hypotheses, suggesting that the effect of refugees should be enhanced in the presence of latent conflict and a sensitive ethnic balance in the host state, are not supported. Indeed, evidence suggests the opposite, indicating that these factors, that normally are associated with an increased likelihood of conflict, dampen the risk of conflict in the presence of refugee flows.
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| 29. |
- Forsberg, Erika, 1976-
(author)
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Transnational Transmitters : Ethnic Kinship Ties and Conflict Contagion 1946–2009
- 2014
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In: International Interactions. - Philadelphia : Taylor & Francis. - 0305-0629 .- 1547-7444. ; 40:2, s. 143-165
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Previous research has proposed that ethnic conflict may spread across borders. Although the importance of transnational ethnic groups is often emphasized, the processes through which contagion may take place remain unspecified. The present study presents a context for more precise analysis of contagion. Further, it identifies distinct processes through which contagion is likely to occur within this context. It is argued that when an ethnic group engages in violent conflict in one state, kin in a nearby state may be inspired to rebel because the outbreak of conflict renders ethnic bonds and similar conditions salient. These bonds and similarities become even more salient when the kin group has opportunities and willingness to mobilize for rebellion. Statistical analysis employing unique global data covering 1946-2009 supports this argument. These results indicate that kinship ties matter for contagion and identify some of the conditions which amplify the effects such ties have for contagion.
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| 30. |
- Johansson, Karin
(author)
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Raising the Costs or Lowering the Bar : International influences on conflict-related sexual violence
- 2022
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Doctoral thesis (other academic/artistic)abstract
- This dissertation contributes to the growing literature on conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV). More specifically, the four essays it contains advance our understanding of CRSV by shedding light on the intersection between international involvement and CRSV perpetrated by states and rebel groups engaged in civil war. Despite the increased attention to CRSV among international policy-makers, this intersection has been examined only sparsely within the scholarship on CRSV. Essays I, II, and III address the overarching question of how different types of international involvement influence the level of CRSV. Essay I offers a global study of the effect of third-party military involvement on levels of CRSV. It argues that shifts in the balance of power following external involvement tend to aggravate the situation with regard to CRSV, and it finds indicative support for this. Essay II examines the capacity of peacekeeping missions to mitigate CRSV. It finds that the effectiveness of peacekeeping hinges on the degree of internal control exercised by states and rebel groups. Essay III looks beyond military involvement and focuses on the political power of condemnation. Using newly collected data on condemnations of sexual violence issued by the United Nations (UN) human-rights body between 1987 and 2014, the study tests the extent to which governments that perpetrate CRSV can be influenced by international condemnation. In parallel, the study examines the power of domestic outrage expressed through protests. The findings have important policy implications: Domestic protests are associated with an escalation of CRSV by states. International condemnation correlates with declines in CRSV in recent years (2008–2014), but not historically. International involvement – whether multilateral or unilateral – only materialises if fellow states so decide. Essay IV thus focuses on the willingness of states to take action against CRSV perpetrated by other states. By examining bilateral condemnations of sexual violence issued within the UN Universal Periodic Review, this essay sheds light on the diplomatic relationships and political interests that shape the (un)willingness of individual states to condemn CRSV. In sum, this dissertation makes both theoretical and empirical contributions to the research on CRSV, as well as to the scholarship on international involvement in civil wars more broadly.
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