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Sökning: WFRF:(Lindgren Karl Oskar)

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1.
  • Smith, Jennifer A, et al. (författare)
  • Genome-wide association study identifies 74 loci associated with educational attainment
  • 2016
  • Ingår i: Nature (London). - : Springer Science and Business Media LLC. - 1476-4687 .- 0028-0836. ; 533:7604, s. 539-542
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Educational attainment is strongly influenced by social and other environmental factors, but genetic factors are estimated to account for at least 20% of the variation across individuals. Here we report the results of a genome-wide association study (GWAS) for educational attainment that extends our earlier discovery sample of 101,069 individuals to 293,723 individuals, and a replication study in an independent sample of 111,349 individuals from the UK Biobank. We identify 74 genome-wide significant loci associated with the number of years of schooling completed. Single-nucleotide polymorphisms associated with educational attainment are disproportionately found in genomic regions regulating gene expression in the fetal brain. Candidate genes are preferentially expressed in neural tissue, especially during the prenatal period, and enriched for biological pathways involved in neural development. Our findings demonstrate that, even for a behavioural phenotype that is mostly environmentally determined, a well-powered GWAS identifies replicable associated genetic variants that suggest biologically relevant pathways. Because educational attainment is measured in large numbers of individuals, it will continue to be useful as a proxy phenotype in efforts to characterize the genetic influences of related phenotypes, including cognition and neuropsychiatric diseases.
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2.
  • Aggeborn, Linuz, et al. (författare)
  • Does Election Salience Affect Immigrant Voter Turnout?
  • 2020
  • Annan publikation (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • Faced with rising levels of cross-border migration, many democratic countries have extended local voting rights to non-naturalized immigrants in recent decades. However, the low turnout of enfranchised immigrants in these elections has come as a disappointment to the advocates of such reforms. In this study, we examine whether the low turnout can be explained by the low salience of local elections. Based on a regression discontinuity design and using high-quality Swedish registry data, we find this to be the case. According to our results, the average likelihood of voting increases by 10-20 percentage points once immigrants become eligible to vote in national elections. We demonstrate too that this effect is not driven by the acquisition of citizenship per se, and that the individual characteristics of immigrants cannot explain their overall lower rate of voter turnout.
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3.
  • Aggeborn, Linuz, 1986-, et al. (författare)
  • Granting Immigrants the Right to Vote in National Elections : Empirical Evidence from Swedish Administrative Data
  • 2024
  • Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - : Cambridge University Press. - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112.
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Faced with rising levels of cross-border migration, many countries have extended local voting rights to non-citizen residents. However, empirical evidence indicates that voter turnout among non-naturalized immigrants is lower when compared to citizens. This raises the question of how to explain this difference. A common answer is that the low turnout rates of non-citizen residents are primarily due to the socio-economic composition of this group and the challenges involved in adapting to a new political system. An alternative but less discussed possibility is that the low turnout concerns the nature of the elections. Hence, we examine whether the turnout of non-citizens is hampered because they are only allowed to partake in local elections. Based on a regression discontinuity design (RDD) using Swedish administrative data, we find that turnout could increase by 10-20 percentage points if the voting rights of non-citizens were extended to the national level.
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4.
  • Aggeborn, Linuz, 1986-, et al. (författare)
  • Parents, Peers, and Politics : The Long-term Effects of Vertical Social Ties
  • 2020
  • Ingår i: Quarterly Journal of Political Science. - : NOW PUBLISHERS INC. - 1554-0626 .- 1554-0634. ; 15:2, s. 221-253
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • We examine how one's adult political participation is affected by having social ties to a politician during adolescence. Specifically, we estimate the long-term effect of having had a classmate during upper secondary school whose parent was running for office on future voter turnout and the likelihood of running for and winning political office. We use unique Swedish population-wide administrative data and find that students in school classes with a larger number of politically active parents are more politically active as adults, both in terms of voting and political candidacy. Our results suggest that the effect of vertical social ties is predominantly mediated by indirect links between the politician and the student via the children of politicians. Moreover, we show that the strength of these mobilizing effects depends on the individual's basic predisposition to engage in different types of political activities.
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5.
  • Andersson, Henrik, et al. (författare)
  • Effects of Settlement into Ethnic Enclaves on Immigrant Voter Turnout
  • 2022
  • Ingår i: Journal of Politics. - : University of Chicago Press. - 0022-3816 .- 1468-2508. ; 84:1, s. 578-584
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • What is the effect of residing in ethnic enclaves on immigrants’ future political participation? We study a comprehensive refugee placement reform that was implemented in Sweden in the mid-1980s in combination with unique individual-level turnout data to study the causal effect of being settled in neighborhoods with a high residential concentration of coethnics on immigrants’ future probability of voting. We find little evidence that ethnic concentration per se affects voter turnout. On average, newly arrived immigrants were equally likely to vote whether they were placed in a neighborhood with many or few coethnics. Further analyses, however, indicate that the effect of ethnic concentration depends on the degree of political integration among previously settled coethnics; ethnic concentration increases turnout among the newly immigrated when they are placed with already politically integrated coethnics. These results underscore the conditions under which the political socialization of immigrant newcomers is enhanced in ethnic enclaves.
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6.
  • Bratsberg, Bernt, et al. (författare)
  • Birth Order and Voter Turnout
  • 2022
  • Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - : Cambridge University Press. - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112. ; 52:1, s. 475-482
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Previous studies have stressed the role of a child's family environment for future political participation. This field of research has, however, overlooked that children within the same family have different experiences depending on their birth order. First-borns spend their first years of life without having to compete over their parents' attention and resources, while their younger siblings are born into potential rivalry. We examine differences in turnout depending on birth order, using unique population-wide individual level register data from Sweden and Norway that enables precise within-family estimates. We consistently find that higher birth order entails lower turnout, and that the turnout differential with respect to birth order is stronger when turnout is lower. The link between birth order and turnout holds when we use data from four other, non-Nordic countries. This birth order effect appears to be partly mediated by socio-economic position and attitudinal predispositions.
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7.
  • Brännlund, Anton (författare)
  • Wealth and the economic vote : How assets and liabilities shape election outcomes
  • 2021
  • Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • This thesis contributes to the literature on economic voting, especially the subfield of the electoral impact in relation to wealth. The thesis consists of an introductory chapter and four independent research articles based on data from Sweden. Based on the first article, I find that the support for right-wing parties decreases in areas where voters are heavily invested in financial assets when there is a large amount of volatility in the world markets. Such patterns suggest that voters are responsive to financial risks. Through the second study, I illustrate that voters are sensitive to changes in monetary policies as well. More precisely, I show that voters tend to reward governments for decreases in interest rates. With the third study, I investigate the interplay of markets in a more direct way, estimating the effect of unemployment on voting in relation to household wealth. I find that the Swedish left-wing parties gain electoral advantage when the unemployment rates rise in less wealthy areas but that they lose support where voters are comparatively well-off. Finally, based on the fourth study, I investigate whether wealth has an impact on how voters behave with individual level data. The findings in this study suggest that wealthy citizens vote for right-wing parties to a grater extent. However, the estimated effect is small.
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8.
  • Cesarini, David, et al. (författare)
  • Pocketbook Politics : The Impact of Wealth on Political Preferences and Participation
  • 2024
  • Annan publikation (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • The rich tend to support policies favoring the affluent and are over-represented among both voters and legislators. This paper investigates whether these correlations reflect causal effects of wealth by leveraging random, positive wealth shocks in the form of lottery prizes. Compared to suitably matched controls, large-prize winners are no more likely to cast votes in national elections or run for political office. We also find no significant effects of parents’ lottery winnings on their children’s political participation. But winners of large lottery prizes become more negative toward taxes on wealth, real estate and inheritances. Although we do not detect any statistically significant effects on other political preferences, effects tend to go in the direction of a more right-wing political orientation. We find no evidence that lottery wealth changes moral values or strengthen beliefs in the importance of hard work for success in life.
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9.
  • Cronert, Axel, 1986- (författare)
  • All Interventionists Now? : On the Political Economy of Active Labor Market Policy as Micro-Interventionist Multi-Tools
  • 2018
  • Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • As recent decades have seen a growing interest in reforming advanced welfare states to promote employment, active labor market policy (ALMP) has emerged as a major topic of inquiry among comparative political economists. Whereas the literature to date disagrees on, and mostly downplays, the role of partisan politics in the development of ALMP, this dissertation shows that political actors systematically use ALMP programs in different ways to achieve distinct political aims. Drawing mostly on a rich, new panel data set on approximately 1,000 programs across Europe, the dissertation draws attention to several politically salient dimensions of ALMP that need to be taken seriously to understand how partisan politics matter in advanced industrial democracies.Essay I reconciles the conflicting understandings of partisanship and ALMP in the ‘power resources’ and ‘insider/outsider’ schools by highlighting that ALMP programs may serve two overarching purposes. The essay shows that left-leaning governments are particularly inclined to expand programs designed primarily to reduce unemployment, whereas governments of all suits are equally supportive of programs that also, or instead, serve to increase labor supply.Essay II focuses on employment subsidies, documenting how these may be designed to tackle different labor market challenges among different target groups. Emphasizing institutional path dependency, the essay then shows that cross-national variation in employment subsidy design broadly reflects the varying institutional regimes in different parts of Europe.Essay III reconsiders the conventional view on the importance of employer involvement and corporatist institutions for ALMP by separating programs produced unilaterally by the state from programs, such as employment subsidies, produced jointly by the state and employers to the benefit of both. The essay finds that corporatist institutions primarily matter for ALMP by paving the way for governments—especially with business-friendly center-right parties—that favor joint over unilateral production.The introductory essay argues that ALMP forms part of a larger family of economic policies that are sufficiently versatile to be sustained and used by actors across the political spectrum. Reviewing long-term trends in economic policy in OECD countries, it shows that these policies, which are here labelled micro-interventionist multi-tools, have expanded considerably since the early 1980s.
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10.
  • Dancygier, Rafaela, et al. (författare)
  • Candidate Supply Is Not a Barrier to Immigrant Representation : A Case-Control Study
  • 2021
  • Ingår i: American Journal of Political Science. - : Wiley. - 0092-5853 .- 1540-5907. ; 65:3, s. 683-698
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Immigrants are underrepresented in most democratic parliaments. To explain the immigrant-native representation gap, existing research emphasizes party gatekeepers and structural conditions. But a more complete account must consider the possibility that the representation gap begins at the supply stage. Are immigrants simply less interested in elected office? To test this explanation, we carried out an innovative case-control survey in Sweden. We surveyed elected politicians, candidates for local office, and residents who have not run; stratified these samples by immigrant status; and linked all respondents to local political opportunity structures. We find that differences in political ambition, interest, and efficacy do not help explain immigrants' underrepresentation. Instead, the major hurdles lie in securing a candidate nomination and being placed on an electable list position. We conclude that there is a sufficient supply of potential immigrant candidates, but immigrants' ambition is thwarted by political elites.
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11.
  • Dancygier, Rafaela M., et al. (författare)
  • Why Are Immigrants Underrepresented in Politics? Evidence from Sweden
  • 2015
  • Ingår i: American Political Science Review. - 0003-0554 .- 1537-5943. ; 109:4, s. 703-724
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Widespread and persistent political underrepresentation of immigrant-origin minorities poses deep challenges to democratic practice and norms. What accounts for this underrepresentation? Two types of competing explanations are prevalent in the literature: accounts that base minority underrepresentation on individual-level resources and accounts that emphasize political opportunity structures. However, due to the lack of data suitable for testing these explanations, existing research has not been able to adjudicate between these theories. Using registry-based microdata covering the entire Swedish adult population between 1991 and 2010 our study is the first to empirically evaluate these alternative explanations. We examine election outcomes to municipal councils over the course of six elections and find that variation in individual-level resources cannot explain immigrants' underrepresentation. Further, when comparing immigrants and natives who face comparable political opportunity structures a large representation gap remains. Instead, we argue that discrimination by party gatekeepers plays a more significant role in perpetuating the underrepresentation of immigrants than do individual resources or structural variables.
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12.
  • Dancygier, Rafaela, et al. (författare)
  • Representationsgapet
  • 2017
  • Ingår i: Valdeltagande och representation. - : Delmi. - 9789188021236
  • Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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13.
  • Dehdari, Sirus H., et al. (författare)
  • Early voting can widen the turnout gap : The case of childbirth
  • 2024
  • Ingår i: Electoral Studies. - : Elsevier. - 0261-3794 .- 1873-6890. ; 90
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Early voting procedures boost voter participation and have therefore been suggested as institutional remedies for the problem of unequal turnout. Scholars have, however, raised concerns that making voting more convenient may actually lead to a less representative electorate. We contribute to this debate by leveraging large-scale Swedish registry data to analyze persons expecting a child around the time of the election. Our results indicate that politically engaged high-status voters are more likely to use the opportunity to vote in advance when faced with the risk of not being able to vote on election day. Given the large number of obstacles to election-day voting that individuals face throughout life, it is therefore conceivable that efforts to make voting more convenient and less costly for citizens may in the end lead to less representative electorates.
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15.
  • Engdahl, Mattias, et al. (författare)
  • The Role of Local Voting Rights for Non-Naturalized Immigrants : A Catalyst for Integration?
  • 2020
  • Ingår i: The international migration review. - : SAGE Publications. - 0197-9183 .- 1747-7379. ; 54:4, s. 1134-1157
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Recent decades have seen a strong trend among democratic countries to extend voting rights at subnational levels to non-naturalized immigrants, creating substantial variation across countries in terms of voting eligibility rules for non-naturalized immigrants. Our knowledge of the consequences of these different systems for immigrant political integration is, however, limited. This article seeks to shed new light on this important issue by using Swedish data to study whether immigrants who face shorter residency requirements for voting eligibility in local elections are more likely to integrate politically. We find little compelling evidence that such is the case. The results suggest that immigrants who became eligible to vote after six to seven years were as likely to naturalize and vote in future elections in both the short and long run as those who received the right to vote after only three years of residency. Thus, although expanded franchise can be of symbolic, as well as practical, value, it is unlikely to be a panacea for immigrant political inclusion. The argument that early voting rights for non-naturalized immigrants is desirable since it helps speed up immigrant political integration should, therefore, be used with some care by those advocating for such reforms.
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16.
  • Gustavsson, Gina, 1984- (författare)
  • Treacherous Liberties : Isaiah Berlin's Theory of Positive and Negative Freedom in Contemporary Political Culture
  • 2011
  • Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • Contemporary attitudes in affluent Western societies are characterised by a growing emphasis on individual freedom. What, then, does this commitment to liberty entail for our openness to diversity; and ultimately for liberal democracy? Previous research on popular attitudes, for example by Ronald Inglehart, tends to assume that valuing freedom entails an encouragement of a plurality of life-styles. This thesis, by contrast, argues that there are several ideals of freedom in public opinion; ideals that may have opposing consequences for our permissiveness towards ways of life that differ from our own. The introductory essay in this book suggests that Isaiah Berlin’s theory of positive and negative freedom provides a fruitful analytical framework, which helps theorise and empirically nuance our picture of popular ideals of freedom. Essay I goes on to present a novel, psychological, interpretation of Berlin’s Two Concepts of Liberty. This essay also suggests that Berlin was critical not only of enlightened ideals of positive liberty, but also of romantic ones, which might be even more widespread today. Essay II then applies Berlin’s framework to contemporary survey data. Through confirmatory factor and regression analyses, this essay demonstrates that Berlin’s negative-positive distinction does in fact hold also in popular opinion; and that the two dimensions have rather different effects on moral and legal permissiveness. Essay III, finally, revisits a recent example of disrespect in the name of liberty: the Danish cartoon controversy. This essay develops the concept of ‘romantic liberalism’, thereby deepening our knowledge of romantic ideals of positive liberty, and their particularly disrespectful tendencies. Drawing on Isaiah Berlin, and his critique of positive liberty, the essays in this thesis together suggest that it is crucial for liberal democracy to recognise the existence of treacherous liberties: ideals that lead their supporters to ridicule, condemn, or even prohibit ways of life that differ from their own – all in the name of liberty.
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17.
  • Håfström Dehdari, Sirus, 1983-, et al. (författare)
  • The Ex-Factor : Examining the Gendered Effect of Divorce on Voter Turnout
  • 2022
  • Ingår i: American Political Science Review. - 0003-0554 .- 1537-5943. ; 116:4, s. 1293-1308
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • The absence of a gendered analysis of the effect of marriage on voting is surprising given researchers’ cognizance of the heterogeneous effects of marriage on a range of other social outcomes. In this paper, we shed new light on spousal dependency by studying the gendered effect of marital disruption, in the form of divorce, on voter turnout. First, drawing on Swedish populationwide data, we use the differential timing of divorces in relation to general elections to generate more credible estimates of the causal effect of divorce on turnout. Second, although we find that both sexes are adversely affected by divorce, we show that the effect is much more pronounced for men. Specifically, the long-term effect is almost twice as large for men. Finally, we use these data to show that the gendered effect of divorce is mainly driven by asymmetrical spousal mobilization due to higher levels of turnout among women.
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18.
  • Håfström Dehdari, Sirus, 1983-, et al. (författare)
  • The Ex-Factor : Examining the Gendered Effect of Divorce on Voter Turnout
  • 2022
  • Ingår i: American Political Science Review. - : Cambridge University Press. - 0003-0554 .- 1537-5943. ; 116:4, s. 1293-1308
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • The absence of a gendered analysis of the effect of marriage on voting is surprising given researchers’ cognizance of the heterogeneous effects of marriage on a range of other social outcomes. In this paper, we shed new light on spousal dependency by studying the gendered effect of marital disruption, in the form of divorce, on voter turnout. First, drawing on Swedish populationwide data, we use the differential timing of divorces in relation to general elections to generate more credible estimates of the causal effect of divorce on turnout. Second, although we find that both sexes are adversely affected by divorce, we show that the effect is much more pronounced for men. Specifically, the long-term effect is almost twice as large for men. Finally, we use these data to show that the gendered effect of divorce is mainly driven by asymmetrical spousal mobilization due to higher levels of turnout among women.
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19.
  • Lindgren, Karl-Oskar, 1976-, et al. (författare)
  • Access to education and political candidacy : Lessons from school openings in Sweden
  • 2019
  • Ingår i: Economics of Education Review. - : Elsevier. - 0272-7757 .- 1873-7382. ; 69, s. 138-148
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • How does availability of education affect who becomes a political representative? Theorists have pointed out that access to education is a key to a well-functioning democracy, but few empirical studies have examined how changes in the access to education influence the chances of becoming a politician. In this paper, we analyze the effects of a large series of school openings in Sweden during the early 20th century, which provided adolescents with better access to secondary education. We use administrative data pertaining to the entire Swedish population born between 1916 and 1945. According to our empirical results, the opening of a new lower secondary school in a municipality increased the baseline probability of running for political office by 10–20%, and the probability of holding office by 20–30%.
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20.
  • Lindgren, Karl-Oskar, 1976- (författare)
  • Arbetsplatsstorlek och sjukfrånvaro
  • 2012
  • Rapport (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Studien syftar till att studera hur in- och utflödet till sjukskrivning varierar med arbetsplatsstorlek. Mer precist undersöks om det positiva samband mellan arbetsplatsstorlek och sjukfrånvaro som har observerats både i Sverige och utomlands främst drivs av att sjukskrivningar är mer vanligt förekommande eller har längre varaktighet på stora arbetsplatser. Resultaten tyder på att sambandet helt förklaras av att anställda på stora arbetsplatser löper en större risk för att bli sjukskrivna än anställda på små arbetsplatser. Tidsperioden som studeras är 1994–2008.
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22.
  • Lindgren, Karl-Oskar, 1976-, et al. (författare)
  • Can Political Inequalities Be Educated Away? Evidence from a Large-scale Reform
  • 2017
  • Ingår i: American Journal of Political Science. - : Wiley. - 0092-5853 .- 1540-5907. ; 61:1, s. 222-236
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Over the years, many suggestions have been made on how to reduce the importance of family background in political recruitment. In this study, we examine the effectiveness of one such proposal: the expansion of mass education. We utilize a difference-in-difference strategy to analyze how a large school reform launched in Sweden in the 1950s, which lengthened schooling and postponed tracking, affected the likelihood of individuals with different family backgrounds to run for public office. The data come from public registers and pertain to the entire Swedish population born between 1943 and 1955. The empirical analysis provides strong support for the view that improved educational opportunities for individuals from disadvantaged backgrounds can be an effective means to reduce the social bias of elected assemblies.
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23.
  • Lindgren, Karl-Oskar, 1976- (författare)
  • Dyadic Regression in the Presence of Heteroscedasticity : An Assessment of Alternative Approaches
  • 2010
  • Ingår i: Social Networks. - : Elsevier. - 0378-8733 .- 1879-2111. ; 32:4, s. 279-289
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Although the problem of heteroscedasticity has been the subject of much discussion in other areas of applied statistics the problem has received scant attention in the social network literature. This study attempts to remedy this situation by considering how traditional methods for significance testing in dyadic regression models, such as standard QAP tests, perform under conditions of heteroscedasticity. Moreover, the article presents two alternative methods to deal with heteroscedasticity that are both shown to perform rather well with typical social network data under conditions of both heteroscedasticity and homoscedasticity. Overall, the results of the study suggest that applied researchers using regression techniques to study dyadic data are well advised to correct for heteroscedasticity, by either of the two methods discussed here, whenever there is a reason to suspect heteroscedasticity.
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24.
  • Lindgren, Karl-Oskar, 1976-, et al. (författare)
  • Enhancing Electoral Equality: Can Education Compensate for Family Background Differences in Voting Participation?
  • 2019
  • Ingår i: American Political Science Review. - 0003-0554 .- 1537-5943. ; 113:1, s. 108-122
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • © 2018 American Political Science Association. It is well documented that voter turnout is lower among persons who grow up in families from a low socioeconomic status compared with persons from high-status families. This paper examines whether reforms in education can help reduce this gap. We establish causality by exploiting a pilot scheme preceding a large reform of Swedish upper secondary education in the early 1990s, which gave rise to exogenous variation in educational attainment between individuals living in different municipalities or born in different years. Similar to recent studies employing credible identification strategies, we fail to find a statistically significant average effect of education on political participation. We move past previous studies, however, and show that the reform nevertheless contributed to narrowing the voting gap between individuals of different social backgrounds by raising turnout among those from low socioeconomic status households. The results thus square well with other recent studies arguing that education is particularly important for uplifting politically marginalized groups.
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27.
  • Lindgren, Karl-Oskar (författare)
  • Explaining Wage Coordination
  • 2005
  • Ingår i: Power and Institutions in Industrial Relation Regimes. - : Arbetslivsinstitutet, Stockholm.
  • Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)
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28.
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29.
  • Lindgren, Karl-Oskar, 1976-, et al. (författare)
  • Immigrant Political Representation and Local Ethnic Concentration : Evidence from a Swedish Refugee Placement Program
  • 2022
  • Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - : Cambridge University Press. - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112. ; 52:3, s. 997-1012
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • This study leverages population registry data from Sweden to examine whether immigrants who live in areas with a high concentration of ethnic minorities are more or less likely to be nominated for political office. It exploits a refugee placement program in place in Sweden during the late 1980s and early 1990s that restricted refugees' opportunities to freely choose their place of residence. The article presents evidence that immigrants who live in areas with a high ethnic density are less likely to be nominated for political office. The findings have important implications for local integration policies as well as refugee placement policies, as many countries consider local context when resettling refugees.
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30.
  • Lindgren, Karl-Oskar, 1976-, et al. (författare)
  • Input and Output Legitimacy: Synergy or Trade-off? : Empirical Evidence from an EU Survey
  • 2010
  • Ingår i: Journal of European Public Policy. - London : Routledge. - 1350-1763 .- 1466-4429. ; 17:4, s. 449-467
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Since the breakdown of the 'permissive consensus' in the early 1990s we have witnessed an input turn in the debate on EU legitimacy. Many scholars have been arguing for enhancing the input legitimacy of the EU through promoting stakeholder participation and deliberation on important European issues. Yet, others warn that this strategy might not help in increasing overall legitimacy of the EU, since increased input legitimacy could be thought to undermine its output legitimacy by making decision-making less efficient. This article assesses, empirically, the relationship between input and output legitimacy within the context of the EU chemicals policy overhaul. Contrary to what some scholars suggest, we find evidence from a survey that measures aimed at increasing the input legitimacy of the EU also hold the promise of increasing its output legitimacy.
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32.
  • Lindgren, Karl-Oskar, 1976- (författare)
  • Kampen mot arbetslösheten : ett politiskt vägval
  • 2008
  • Ingår i: Statsvetare ifrågasätter. - Uppsala : Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis,Universitetsbiblioteket [distributör]. - 9789155471286
  • Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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38.
  • Lindgren, Karl-Oskar, 1976- (författare)
  • Nya villkor för socialförsäkringarna?
  • 2013
  • Ingår i: Ekonomisk Debatt. - Stockholm : Nationalekonomiska föreningen. - 0345-2646. ; :4, s. 18-31
  • Tidskriftsartikel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • I sitt betänkande argumenterade Ekonomikommissionen för behovet av strukturella reformer på socialförsäkringsområdet. Bland annat menade kommissionen att socialförsäkringssystemet i större utsträckning borde inriktas mot att erbjuda ett basskydd som garanterar individernas grundläggande försörjningsnivå. I den här artikeln diskuteras de senaste decenniernas förändringar av arbetslöshetsförsäkringen i ljuset av kommissionens reformförslag. Genomgången visar att arbetslöshetsförsäkringen i flera avseenden har utvecklats i enlighet med kommissionens förslag. Något paradoxalt kan dock denna utveckling sägas ha stärkt de korporativa inslagen i arbetslöshetsförsäkringen vilket går på tvärs med en av Ekonomikommissionens centrala rekommendationer. 
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39.
  • Lindgren, Karl-Oskar, 1976-, et al. (författare)
  • Om kvinnorepresentation och rätten till heltid
  • 2007
  • Ingår i: Kommunal ekonomi och politik. - Göteborg : Kommunforskning i Sverige. - 1402-8700. ; 11:4, s. 7-31
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Kommunernas dubbla roll som arbetsgivare och kanal för det politiska förverkligandet av sina invånares intressen gör dem till en ypperlig arena för att studera kvinnorepresentationens betydelse för kvinnors livsvillkor. Vi studerar politiska beslut att erbjuda alla kommunalt deltidsanställda heltid; beslut som framförallt gynnar kvinnor som grupp och som fattats i flera kommuner under senare år. Till skillnad från tidigare kvantitativa studier analyserar vi om kvinnorepresentation får större effekt när den innebär att kvinnor återfinns på högre, snarare än lägre, politiska poster. Våra empiriska resultat bekräftar att skillnader i förekomsten av heltidsbeslut kan hänföras till skillnader i kvinnorepresentation, men att detta samband framförallt återfinns då man ser till kvinnorepresentation på högre politiska poster.
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40.
  • Lindgren, Karl-Oskar, 1976-, et al. (författare)
  • Opening a door to politics? : Labour market entrance and political candidacy among refugees
  • 2023
  • Ingår i: Journal of ethnic and migration studies. - : Routledge. - 1369-183X .- 1469-9451. ; 49:15, s. 4052-4070
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • In this study, we explore whether the economic integration of immigrants may function as a stepping stone to their political integration. We show that there are strong theoretical reasons to expect entrance into the labour market to be pivotal for the political socialisation of immigrants in the new host country and in extension for their opportunities to stand for office. Empirically, we make use of Swedish register data and study whether labour market entrance among refugees affects their chances of being nominated for political office in Swedish municipal councils. We focus on refugees that arrived in Sweden between 1985 and 1994 and explore whether they became political nominees in seven consecutive elections between 1994 and 2014. Our results indicate that getting an early foothold in the labour market has a significant positive effect on the likelihood of running for office. These results hold even when we make use of more exogenous variation in the labour market conditions that refugees encountered when they arrived in Sweden, which provides some support that labour market entrance may have a causal effect on political candidacy among refugees.
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41.
  • Lindgren, Karl-Oskar, 1976-, et al. (författare)
  • Participatory Governance in the EU : Enhancing or Endangering Democracy and Efficiency?
  • 2011
  • Bok (refereegranskat)abstract
    • This book is an empirical assessment of whether participatory governance reforms within the European Union enhance or endanger democracy. The alleged democratic deficit of the EU and its waning legitimacy have inspired scholars and practitioners to look for new ways of improving democracy and efficiency within it. Proponents of participatory governance, including the European Commission, argue that introducing new forums for interest-group participation and deliberation at the EU level will help create a more democratic and effective Union. This book examines the veracity of this claim. It looks at whether it is possible to enhance decision-making efficiency and democratic legitimacy by involving interest group representatives in the formulation and implementation of policy. In doing so, Participatory Governance in the EU employs data from a unique expert survey of stakeholders and EU officials.
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42.
  • Lindgren, Karl-Oskar, 1976-, et al. (författare)
  • Participatory governance in the European Union
  • 2018
  • Ingår i: Handbook on Participatory Governance. - Cheltenham : Edward Elgar Publishing. - 978 1 78536 434 1 - 978 1 78536 435 8
  • Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • In this chapter, we provide an assessment of civil society involvement in EU policy-making. The aim is to delineate the theoretical debate on the participatory governance approach in the EU and to describe the instruments developed to implement it. Furthermore, we consider how well these mechanisms have functioned so far and the extent to which they can alleviate the Union’s alleged democratic deficit.
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43.
  • Lindgren, Karl-Oskar, 1976- (författare)
  • Roads from Unemployment : Institutional Complementarities in Product and Labor Markets
  • 2006
  • Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • Bringing down unemployment is a top priority for governments across the industrialized world, regardless of ideological bent. What is at issue in the political debate is not if unemployment should be combatted, but by what means. Two frequently discussed solutions to the problem of unemployment are corporatist wage bargaining and complete deregulation of all product and labor markets. This book maintains both these views are too simplistic. It shows theoretically as well as empirically that the particular configuration of institutions in a country is much more important for its employment performance than is the presence or absence of individual institutions. Contrary to conventional wisdom, the study argues there is more than one road to full employment. What sets these different roads apart is mainly their distributional consequences. Based on the analysis of the employment effects of various configurations of institutions, the book also critiques the common practice of treating wage bargaining institutions as historical givens. Fighting unemployment requires an understanding not only of the effects of different labor market institutions, but also of the conditions under which certain institutions arise and remain stable. Toward this end the study develops and tests an explanation of why wage bar-gaining institutions are what they are in different countries. The main finding is that the influential view that current bargaining practices are much more the result of deep-seated historical development than of presently perceived need is considerably exaggerated.
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44.
  • Lindgren, Karl-Oskar (författare)
  • Skilda vägar till arbete
  • 2006
  • Ingår i: Tiden. ; :5
  • Tidskriftsartikel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)
  •  
45.
  • Lindgren, Karl-Oskar, et al. (författare)
  • The electoral impact of the financial crisis : Evidence using district-level data
  • 2016
  • Ingår i: Electoral Studies. - : Elsevier BV. - 0261-3794 .- 1873-6890. ; 44, s. 214-224
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Do economic downturns increase voter support for left or right parties? In our empirical analysis, we combine fine-grained registry-data on the labor market impact of the crisis and how it varied across 5000 electoral districts, with district-level data on vote-shares for all major parties in Swedish parliamentary elections before and after the crisis. Because the impact was so diverse across districts, we can estimate the electoral impact of unemployment more efficiently than usual. Moreover, because the crisis was an external and unexpected shock to the Swedish economy, we argue that the selection bias that is usually inherent in estimating the electoral impact of unemployment is mitigated. We find that the electoral impact of crisis-induced unemployment was large, benefiting right parties.
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46.
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47.
  • Lindgren, Karl-Oskar, 1976-, et al. (författare)
  • The Perpetuity of the Past : Transmission of Political Inequality across Multiple Generations
  • 2022
  • Ingår i: American Political Science Review. - : Cambridge University Press. - 0003-0554 .- 1537-5943. ; 117:3, s. 1004-1018
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • It is a well-established fact, from decades of research on political socialization, that the children of politically active parents are more likely to become politically active themselves. This poses a challenge for democracy, as it means that inequalities in political influence are reproduced across generations. The present study argues that this problem may be more severe than has hitherto been acknowledged. The reason for this is that previous research on the topic has focused almost exclusively on political transmission between parents and their children, whereas the role played by more distant forebears, such as grandparents, has been largely neglected. In this study, we use Swedish register data to analyze multigenerational associations in electoral participation. The empirical results clearly indicate that the traditional two-generation approach to the study of political transmission tends to underestimate intergenerational persistence in voting behavior and that this excess persistence has both genetic and social roots.
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48.
  • Lindgren, Karl-Oskar, 1976-, et al. (författare)
  • The structure of conflict over EU chemicals policy
  • 2008
  • Ingår i: European Union Politics. - London : Sage Publications. - 1465-1165 .- 1741-2757. ; 9:1, s. 31-58
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • There is a lively academic debate over whether political cleavages in the European Union ( EU) follow mainly territorial ( national) or non-territorial ( ideological) patterns. This article analyses the cleavages that structure the conflict over European chemicals policy, the so-called REACH system. Taking positions on this major policy as an empirical example, we test these competing theories on the nature of cleavages on environmental policy issues in the EU. We use data from an expert survey of more than 600 individuals to fulfil this aim. The results show that neither of the hypotheses is unequivocally supported. But the data indicate that cleavages based on non-territorial interests are much more important than territorial interests in explaining positions on REACH.
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49.
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50.
  • Lindgren, Karl-Oskar (författare)
  • Vägval arbete
  • 2006
  • Ingår i: Socialpolitik. ; :3
  • Tidskriftsartikel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)
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