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- Hasic, Tigran, 1969-
(author)
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Reconstruction planning in post-conflict zones : Bosnia and Herzegovina and the international community
- 2004
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Doctoral thesis (other academic/artistic)abstract
- The history of mankind has been plagued by an almost continuous chain of various armed conflicts - local, regional, national and global - that have caused horrendous damage to the social and physical fabric of cities. The tragedy of millions deprived by war still continues. This study sets out to understand the nature of reconstruction after war in the light of recent armed conflicts. It attempts to catalogue and discuss the tasks involved in the process of reconstruction planning by establishing a conceptual framework of the main issues in the reconstruction process. The case of Bosnia and Herzegovina is examined in detail and on the whole acts as the leit-motif of the whole dissertation and positions reconstruction in the broader context of sustainable development. The study is organized into two parts that constitute the doctoral aggregate dissertation – a combining of papers with an introductory monograph. In this case the introductory monograph is an extended one and there are six papers that follow. Both sections can be read on their own merits but also constitute one entity.The rebuilding of war-devastated countries and communities can be seen as a series of nonintegrated activities carried out (and often imposed) by international agencies and governments, serving political and other agendas. The result is that calamities of war are often accompanied by the calamities of reconstruction without any regard to sustainable development. The body of knowledge related to post-conflict reconstruction lacks a strong and cohesive theory. In order to better understand the process of reconstruction we present a qualitative inquiry based on the Grounded Theory Method developed originally by Barney Glaser and Anselm Strauss (1967). This approach utilizes a complex conceptualization with empirical evidence to produce theoretical structure. The results of process have evolved into the development of a conceptual model, called SCOPE (Sustainable Communities in Post-conflict Environments).This study proposes both a structure within which to examine post-conflict reconstruction and provides an implementation method. We propose to use the SCOPE model as a set of strategy, policy and program recommendations to assist the international community and all relevant decision-makers to ensure that the destruction and carnage of war does not have to be followed by a disaster of post-conflict reconstruction. We also offer to provide a new foundation and paradigm on post-conflict reconstruction, which incorporates and integrates a number of approaches into a multidisciplinary and systems thinking manner in order to better understand the complexity and dependencies of issues at hand. We believe that such a systems approach could better be able to incorporate the complexities involved and would offer much better results than the approaches currently in use.The final section of this study returns to the fact that although it is probably impossible to produce universal answers, we desperately need to find commonalities amongst different postconflict reconstruction settings in order to better deal with the reconstruction planning in a more dynamic, proactive, and sustainable manner.
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| 2. |
- Haas, Tigran, 1969-
(author)
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Ethnic Conflict and the Right to Return of Limbo Disaporas : Multifaceted Reflections on the Case of BiH
- 2004
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In: Migration and Ethnic Studies (Migracijske i Etničke Teme). - Zagreb : Institute for Migration and Ethnic Studies. - 1333-2546 .- 1848-9184. ; 20:1, s. 29-51
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- This paper examines the phenomenon of refugees and resettled persons in the process of forcedmigrations in the aftermath of man-made disasters. Although some of the ideas presented here couldhave wider application, the focus is on post-conflict zones within the former Yugoslavia, namely BiH.The paper uses the questions of ethnicity and nationalism within resettlement, dislocation and immigrationas a backdrop, into which the issue of globalization is also briefly reflected. The intention hereis not to cover a wide range of pressing topics, but simply to relate a number of issues arising in contemporarylarge-scale forced migrations to a resurgence of cultural specificity and ethnicized nationalismas counterpoints to globalization. The paper introduces the concept of “limbo diasporas” in the caseof Bosnian refugees in Sweden through reflection and linkage with the aforementioned concepts. Thepaper ends with some recommendations and open questions on social rehabilitation and ethnic healingas well as some general conclusions.
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| 3. |
- De Lombaerde, Philippe, et al.
(author)
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Conclusion
- 2009
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In: The EU and World Regionalism. The Makability of Regions in the 21st Century, De Lombaerde, Philippe and Schulz, Michael (eds.). - London : Ashgate Publishing Ltd..
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Book chapter (other academic/artistic)
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| 4. |
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| 5. |
- De Lombaerde, Philippe, et al.
(author)
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Introduction
- 2009
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In: The EU and World Regionalism. The Makability of Regions in the 21st Century, De Lombaerde, Philippe and Schulz, Michael (eds.). - London : Ashgate Publishing Ltd..
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Book chapter (other academic/artistic)
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| 6. |
- Ikegami, Masako, 1961-
(author)
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‘A Historical Examination on the Decision-making Process of the Use of Nuclear Weapons’ : a Japan-US International Workshop ‘Reducing Threats posted by Nuclear Weapons: Possible Cooperation between Japan and the United States’, co-organized by Center for Global Partnership, Pugwash USA, Pugwash Japan, Institute for International Studies, Meiji-Gakuin University, Tokyo, 24-25 January 2009
- 2009
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In: ‘Reducing Threats posted by Nuclear Weapons: Possible Cooperation between Japan and the United States’. - Tokyo : Meiji-Gakuin University Institute for International Studies. ; , s. 61-78
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Conference paper (other academic/artistic)
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| 7. |
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| 8. |
- Kronsell, Annica, et al.
(author)
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The Duty to Protect: Gender in the Swedish Practice of Conscription
- 2001
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In: Cooperation and Conflict. - : SAGE Publications. - 0010-8367 .- 1460-3691. ; 36:2, s. 153-176
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- In this article, we turn first to a brief discussion of feminist contributions in the field of security, defense, and collective identity, and then argue that Swedish nationalism is tied to a particular form of collective identity formation through the practice of conscription. Drawing on Elshtain's notions of 'just warriors' and 'beautiful souls', we go on to spell out how women, historically, have been situated within the discourse of militarism. Finally, we look at how the contribution of women to the military has been perceived and argued, and then point out how a small number of female soldiers may be instrumental in exposing a particular value system of gender, citizenship, and collective identity. Demilitarization isn't any more automatic than militarization. Indeed, it may be a far stickier process because it goes against the grain of the feminine and masculine conventions and political strategies now prevalent in so many societies. (Enloe, 1993: 259)
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| 9. |
- Strid, Sofia, 1976-
(author)
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Gendered interests in the European union : the European women's lobby and the organisation and representation of women's interests
- 2009
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Doctoral thesis (other academic/artistic)abstract
- Gendered Interests and the European Union. The European Women’s Lobby and the Organisation and Representation of Women's Interests. On a general level this thesis concerns the changed and changing institutional conditions for gender equality in Europe and the organisation and institutionalisation of women’s social and political interests at the EU level. I ask in what ways political structures and authorities enable and/or obstruct women to generate, sustain and control their presence in politics as women. I explore how the EU institutions structure and provide opportunities and constraints for women to mobilise and organise to act as an authorised party vis-a-vis and within the EU political system. How does it come that women, as a collective, are not only recognised as a politically relevant group but also legitimised to act and be present as women in an organised relationship with the EU system’s main authorities? The presence comes in the form of the European Women’s Lobby (EWL), an EU level and EU wide non-governmental umbrella organisation which represents some 4000 women’s organisations on multiple levels of the EU. The EWL is not the first example of women organising on the EU level, but it is the first of its kind. The EWL was initiated by women from within the European Commission and is funded mainly via a grant from the Commission. The EWL’s objectives include the endorsement of equality between women and men and to ensure that measures to promote gender equality and women’s rights are taken into account and mainstreamed in all EU policy. Using material gathered through interviews, observations and official documentation I study the structure of the European Women’s Lobby; the participation of the EWL in EU politics; the relation between the EWL and the EU institutions; the relation between the EWL’s member organisations; and the forms the representation of women’s organised social and political interests at EU level can take. I argue that in the specific political system of the EU, organised interests in civil society and the EWL perform the functions of input, and participate in output and feedback. Organised interests function as intermediaries between the national and European levels. Organised interests strive to gain influence; the Commission, as a political authority, strives to gain legitimacy of its policy-making through the input and output of representative organised interests. As a consequence of what I argue is a corporatist policymaking style of the Commission the EWL has become increasingly institutionalised. The trade off is that while the EWL has enjoyed the Commission’s support and funding to constitute an established EU level platform from which women can formulate, mobilise and pursue their interests, the EWL has must organise and take control over the interests aggregated from its member organisations and over the form of the member organisations. The very structure of the EWL can be seen as part of the price the EWL has to pay to be granted somewhat of a representative monopoly in terms of opportunities to influence EU policy-making through the various channels of consultation. In this context, I argue that the representativeness of organised interests is key. There is no electoral basis legitimising the policy-making of the Commission, instead, this basis is constituted by organised interests. Paradoxically, this holds the potential for increasing the legitimacy of the Commission, something which increasing transparency has failed to do. It is no exaggeration to claim that the EWL offers a remarkable EU level platform for women to act and pursue their interests as women. By studying the actual impact of EU level policy-making and politics on various ways, this thesis argues that the very existence of the EWL can be understood as being in the interest of women.
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| 10. |
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