SwePub
Sök i SwePub databas

  Extended search

Träfflista för sökning "WFRF:(Nilsson Désirée) srt2:(2005-2009)"

Search: WFRF:(Nilsson Désirée) > (2005-2009)

  • Result 1-10 of 20
Sort/group result
   
EnumerationReferenceCoverFind
1.
  • Bohman, Helena, et al. (author)
  • Income Inequality as a Determinant of Trade Flows
  • 2007
  • In: International Journal of Applied Economics. - 1548-0003. ; 4:1, s. 40-59
  • Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
    • Consumer studies have a long tradition of incorporating non-homothetic preferences in their models, whereas this has been very uncommon in studies of international trade. We use a model from Mitra and Trindade (2005) to set up a gravity model in which we include income distribution measures as explanatory variables for the exporting as well as for the importing countries. Our results indicate that non-homothetic preferences significantly affect both exports and imports.
  •  
2.
  • Hörfelt, Camilla, 1970, et al. (author)
  • Topical methyl aminolaevulinate photodynamic therapy for treatment of facial acne vulgaris: results of a randomized, controlled study
  • 2006
  • In: Br J Dermatol. - : Blackwell Publishing. ; 155:3, s. 608-613
  • Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
    • BACKGROUND: There is a need for alternative treatments for moderate to severe acne vulgaris. Preliminary experience suggests that topical methyl aminolaevulinate photodynamic therapy (MAL-PDT) may have potential. OBJECTIVES: To investigate the efficacy and tolerability of MAL-PDT for treatment of moderate inflammatory facial acne. PATIENTS/METHODS: Thirty patients aged 15-28 years with moderate to severe acne were included in a blinded, prospective, randomized, placebo-controlled multicentre study. Each side of each patient's face was randomly assigned to treatment with MAL (160 mg g1) or placebo cream, applied for 3 h prior to illumination. A second treatment was given 2 weeks later. On each occasion, patients assessed the intensity of pain using a 10-cm visual analogue scale. Inflammatory and noninflammatory acne lesions were counted at baseline and 4 and 10 weeks after the last PDT treatment. The investigator assessed the global severity of acne at baseline (seven patients had severe acne on at least one side of the face) and each study visit using a six-point rating scale. Data were analysed on an intention-to-treat basis, including all 30 patients. RESULTS: There was a statistically significant greater reduction in the total inflammatory lesion count with MAL-PDT compared with placebo PDT at week 12; median reduction 54% [95% confidence interval (CI) 35-64%] vs. 20% (95% CI 8-50%), P = 0.0006. MAL-PDT was associated with more pain than placebo PDT, although intensity varied across centres and was reduced with repeated treatment. Local adverse events were consistent with this treatment modality. CONCLUSIONS: MAL-PDT is effective in the treatment of moderate to severe inflammatory facial acne. Further studies are warranted to optimize this promising procedure.
  •  
3.
  • Jarstad, Anna K., 1966-, et al. (author)
  • From words to deeds : the implementation of power-sharing pacts in peace accords
  • 2008
  • In: Conflict Management and Peace Science. - London : Routledge. - 0738-8942 .- 1549-9219. ; 25:3, s. 206-223
  • Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
    • Is the implementation of power-sharing provisions the key to durable peace? This study analyzes whether the implementation of political, military, and territorial power-sharing provisions contributes to peace. We introduce a new dataset (IMPACT), which contains unique information on the implementation of power-sharing pacts in peace accords in the post–Cold War period. Based on the logic of costly signaling, we demonstrate that when the parties engage in costly concessions by implementing military and territorial provisions, peace is more likely to prevail. In contrast, the implementation of political pacts is less costly, and hence does not increase the prospects of peace.
  •  
4.
  • Jarstad, Anna, et al. (author)
  • Political Pacts- No Promise of Peace? : no promise of peace
  • 2006
  • In: Paper prepared for the 2006 Conference on Globalization and Peacebuilding, arranged by the Swedish Network of Peace, Conflict and Development Research, Uppsala, 6–8 November 2006, and for the 40th Annual Meeting of the Peace Science Society, Columbus, Ohio, 10–12 November 2006..
  • Conference paper (pop. science, debate, etc.)abstract
    • Do political power-sharing arrangements lead to durable peace? Power sharing has become a preferred choice for policy makers to facilitate peacebuilding. However, the scientific support of the effectiveness of power sharing in this regard remains weak. In some cases, such as South Africa, power sharing is indeed associated with democracy and peace. On the other hand, the genocide in Rwanda, following a settlement containing provisions for power sharing, suggests that such changes of power balance can at worst be followed by violent conflict. Also statistical analyses indicate mixed results. Barbara Walter (2002) find that negotiated settlements, which include provisions of power sharing in the central government, may serve to reduce the risk of recurring conflict. In contrast, Matthew Hoddie and Caroline Hartzell (2005) do not find political power sharing in peace agreements to significantly affect the duration of peace.These mixed results suggest a need for a deeper analysis of the logic and consequences of power sharing. Drawing on insights from consociational theory we propose that settlements that include provisions for political power sharing should lead to peace if the parties agree on a political pact and if such promises are implemented. Firstly, such pacts guarantee a share of political power, which can enable the parties in overcoming the uncertainties involved in a peace process. Secondly, implementation of political power sharing allows for protracted negotiations in which the parties settle their main incompatibilities in iterative rounds of cooperation and compromises.We identify two main limitations in the literature on this topic. The first concerns the definitions used to examine the effect of political power-sharing on durable peace. One possible explanation to the mixed results is that different definitions of political power-sharing are employed. In line with consociational theory, political pacts that guarantee seats in the central government is a central component of political power-sharing (Lijphart 1977; Walter 2002). In other studies, political power-sharing is defined broadly and also includes cases of proportional electoral systems (e.g. Hartzell and Hoddie 2003; Mukherjee 2006). However, when using such a wide definition it is not possible to single out the effect of political pacts on durable peace. Second, previous research only to some extent investigates the implementation of political power sharing. In one of the few studies that do analyze implementation of political pacts, the absence of war is included as an integral part of the definition of implementation (Walter 2002). For this reason, we do not know if the implementation itself has effects on the duration of peace.To address these limitations, we introduce the IMPACT dataset (Implementation of Pacts). This new dataset not only contains information on whether the agreements entail provisions concerning political, military and territorial pacts, but also unique data on whether and when these pacts have been implemented. This dataset builds on information from the Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP) and includes all 83 peace agreements signed by the government and one or more rebel groups in internal armed conflicts during the period 1989–2004 (UCDP 2006). We include more peace agreements stipulating political pacts than previous research by studying the entire post-Cold War period, examining full-scale civil wars as well as low intensity armed conflicts, and by focusing not only on the agreements signed by all or the main warring parties.The results of this study challenges conventional wisdom and puts into question the effectiveness of political power sharing as a tool for conflict resolution. The findings indicate that even when using a definition that captures the very essence of power sharing by focusing on guaranteed positions in central government, no significant influence on durable peace is found. Perhaps even more surprising, political pacts that are implemented are not shown to enhance the prospects for lasting peace.
  •  
5.
  • Johansson, Börje, et al. (author)
  • Globalisation and Distribution of Exports
  • 2007
  • In: Uddevalla Symposium 2007. - Trollhättan : Department of Economics and Informatics, University West. - 9789163315787
  • Conference paper (other academic/artistic)
  •  
6.
  • Johansson, Börje, et al. (author)
  • GLOBALIZATION AND DISTRIBUTION OF EXPORTS
  • 2007
  • Reports (other academic/artistic)abstract
    • During the 1980s many economists started to use the term globalisation as a catchword for  an increased interaction between countries in world trade. The literature does not provide a clear definition of globalisation. We set up a number of criteria and formulate hypotheses about globalisation that we explore for Swedish export flows during the years 1965-2000. Globalisation, in this study, is referred to as increases in country diversity, extended transport radii, less effect of distance on trade flows, and the ratio of exports to the importing countries’ incomes. The results from the empirical analysis do not support the hypotheses of increasing trade globalisation It is rather the case that export flows are becoming more internationally regionalised.
  •  
7.
  •  
8.
  • Nilsson, Désirée (author)
  • Essays on Trade Flows, Demand Structure and Income Distribution
  • 2007
  • Doctoral thesis (other academic/artistic)abstract
    • This doctoral dissertation consists of four individual essays and an introductory chapter. The common features of the four separate essays are that they analyse international trade flows focusing on the role of demand structures. The first essay uses a gravity model to detect the effects of income-dependent differences in preferences within a country on the export and import of different types of goods. The second essay analyses the effect of income-dependent differences in preferences within a country on the likelihood of firms selecting that particular destination for their exports. The third essay explores the globalisation of Swedish exports during the period 1965-2000. The last essay investigates the changes in production and export structures of the OECD countries and relates these changes to the development of export market shares for these countries.
  •  
9.
  • Nilsson, Desirée (author)
  • In the Shadow of Settlement : Multiple Rebel Groups and Precarious Peace
  • 2006
  • Doctoral thesis (other academic/artistic)abstract
    • How can durable peace be achieved in the wake of a civil war settlement? Previous quantitative research on this topic has, so far, mainly focused on two parties – the government and the opposition – thereby failing to consider the complexity that may arise in conflicts where the rebel side involves several groups. This dissertation addresses this gap in the study of durable peace. It demonstrates theoretically and empirically that three aspects are of significance for lasting peace: (1) the number of warring parties, (2) the inclusion of rebel groups in peace agreements, and (3) the military strength of the signatories. The study applies a bargaining perspective, where uncertainty about the parties’ capability and resolve serves as a key explanation for why peace prevails or breaks down following a settlement. The empirical analysis is based on a unique set of data covering peace agreements in internal armed conflicts during the post-Cold War period. Employing statistical methods, it is found that, with an increasing number of warring parties, peace is less likely to endure. It is also found that more inclusive deals, contrary to a common view, do not increase the likelihood that peace prevails. However, inclusion can make a difference for some parties, as signatories are more likely to stick to peace than parties outside of an agreement. This suggests that no particular formula, in terms of the number of signatories, is required for peace to last. Peace is also shown to be more fragile if the signatory rebel group is strong rather than weak relative to the government, indicating that military power is of importance. In sum, the present research demonstrates that it is pivotal for our understanding of durable peace to consider the complexities that come with a multiparty setting.
  •  
10.
  • Nilsson, Desirée (author)
  • Multiple Rebel Groups and Civil War Settlements
  • 2007
  • In: Jan Tinbergen European Peace Science Conference, within the Network of European Peace Scientists, Amsterdam, the Netherlands, 25–27 June.
  • Conference paper (pop. science, debate, etc.)
  •  
Skapa referenser, mejla, bekava och länka
  • Result 1-10 of 20

Kungliga biblioteket hanterar dina personuppgifter i enlighet med EU:s dataskyddsförordning (2018), GDPR. Läs mer om hur det funkar här.
Så här hanterar KB dina uppgifter vid användning av denna tjänst.

 
pil uppåt Close

Copy and save the link in order to return to this view