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Forum för genusvetenskap - en jubilar i vardande : Tillsammans och på eget håll
- 2022
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Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Mid Sweden University’s Forum for Gender Studies (FGV) is aninterdisciplinary and intercampus platform from which to initiate and coordinate gender studies at the university and beyond. This volume is ananniversary number that aims to mobilize and re-vitalize Forum for genderstudies future research strategy. It collects stories form the past, directionsfor the future and arguments for continued solidarity work. “Solidarityinvolves commitment, and work, as well as the recognition that even if wedo not have the same feelings, or the same lives, or the same bodies, we dolive on common ground.” (Sara Ahmed)
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| 12. |
- Gidlund, Katarina L, 1967-, et al.
(författare)
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Digital cultural policy in Sweden : Cultural imaginations of the digital era, or digitized cultural marketization?
- 2023
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Ingår i: Digital Transformation and Cultural Policies in Europe. - : Informa UK Limited. - 9781003334576 ; , s. 86-102
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This chapter critically explores and analyses the framing of digitalization in current cultural public policy in Sweden to reach a deeper understanding of how the idea of digitalization is narrated and what kind of desired outcomes surface in these narratives. It is based on a thematic analysis of eight policy documents departing from Andrew Feenberg’s two-fold understanding of technology, as both essence and construct, in order to disclose the dominant and formative narratives of digitalization. As such, the chapter contributes to digital cultural policy research with a national-specific analysis of policy narratives on expectations and goals coupled with digital transformation.
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| 16. |
- Kjölstad, Henrik, 1980-
(författare)
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A European Declaration of Fascism? : En analys av Anders Behring Breiviks manifest 2083
- 2020
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Licentiatavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The terror attacks in Oslo, July 22, 2011, executed by Anders Behring Breivik, showed the deadliest outbreak of political violence in Norway since World War II. After the subsequent apprehension of Breivik, discussions about his ideological positioning soon emerged. While Breivik was initially described as an Islamophobic, right wing-extremist, a few expert witnesses and scholars labeled him and his manifesto 2083: A Declaration of European Independence as fascist. Some analysts disagreed with such a categorization and argued that Breivik's views had little to do with fascism. Other commentators and academics partly agreed with the fascist label but added that Breivik's ideology differed from classical fascism in several ways. The aim of this research is to examine whether the manifesto 2083 can be classified as fascist according to various established definitions and ideal types of fascism. In particular, this research draws on the theories, definitions, and ideal types of fascism of established scholars Roger Griffin, Stanley G. Payne, and Emilio Gentile to inform a content analysis of 2083.The study's relevance concerns the ideology of and behind certain violent political activism, and if fascism is undergoing a transformation which urges updates of established definitions of the phenomenon. 2083 is treated as an outlier or deviant case of fascism.This research finds that 2083 does fulfill several fascist criteria, and even concepts central to the ideal types. However, the results are at times ambiguous and open to further interpretation. Fascist concepts such as national rebirth, a glorification of violence, and religiously tinged activism are expressed in the manifesto, but crucial details regarding them remain unexplored or unspecified. 2083's violent strategies for achieving desired societal change have striking similarities with certain contemporary race radicalism; while descriptions of societal condition and utopian goals share certain fascism characteristics, but also resemble late 19th Century German revolutionary conservatism or proto-fascism. Thus, one might rather see 2083 as hybrid form of different, already existing, fascist ideological traits rather than a “new” form of fascism.
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| 20. |
- Lund, Pontus, et al.
(författare)
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Who talks and who listens? : analyzing citizen dialogs in a rural context
- 2020
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Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Although debated, inclusion of citizens into policy processes is often presented as solutions to a range of democratic challenges, such as demand for influence in local issues, growing gaps between politicians and citizens and declining political engagement. This study aims to examine the role of such instruments at the local level, by looking specifically at the input side of processes in rural Swedish municipalities. By studying the recruitment and composition of participants, as well as the organizers' strategy for selection, this study will be able to show the representativeness of participatory events. Further, by studying which of the participants that are actually expressing their opinion and how this is reflected in official documentation, this study will give a better understanding about what input that is able to make its way into the policy process. Studying these aspects of the input side of the policy process will show the preconditions for actual citizen influence and indicate how well these instruments can be argued to complement traditional political participation. A tentative result is that representativeness generally is heavily skewed and that active participation follows that of most traditional political participation. The studied municipalities are aware of these problems and try to address them by hosting supplementary venues with specific groups in mind. They do, however, also regard building these instruments for inclusion as a learning process, which will increase in quality over time. Further, the point of these instruments is not only, or even primarily, to complement representative democracy through inclusion into policy making, but rather to strengthen trust, to gain support for policy and to tie otherwise competing parts of the municipality closer together. This gives a complex image of a type of instrument that seems to fill a range of different purposes but not yet that of complementing representative democracy.
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