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3.
  • Allern, Sigurd, 1946-, et al. (author)
  • Introduction: New Nordic Journalism Research
  • 2013
  • In: Nordicom Review. - : Walter de Gruyter GmbH. - 1403-1108 .- 2001-5119. ; 34, s. 7-10
  • Journal article (other academic/artistic)
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4.
  • Allern, Sigurd, 1946-, et al. (author)
  • Journalism as a public good : A Scandinavian perspective
  • 2019
  • In: Journalism - Theory, Practice & Criticism. - : SAGE Publications. - 1464-8849 .- 1741-3001. ; 20:11, s. 1423-1439
  • Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
    • The democratic importance of journalism is related to public good aspects of media products, as well as news media’s positive externalities. Journalism of high quality helps ensure we are all better informed and thus benefits democracy. Lack of investigative journalism may incur large social costs. However, journalism as a public good is difficult to fund on a commercial basis. Historically, an economic solution for media companies has been advertising subsidies, plus different types of public and private support. Today, the long-time marriage between news organisations and advertisers is severely weakened, and nothing so far suggests that digital revenues alone can finance a varied, broad and original news production. In the eyes of capitalist investors, news organisations represent the past, not the future. This article discusses, on the basis of Scandinavian media experiences and recent policy reforms, the necessity of a media policy and a funding system that acknowledges quality journalism as societal knowledge production and a public good.
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5.
  • Allern, Sigurd, 1946-, et al. (author)
  • Källkritik! Journalistik i lögnens tid
  • 2019
  • Book (other academic/artistic)abstract
    • Den digitala revolutionen har under några decennier gjort att tillgången på informationskällor har ökat dramatiskt. Samtidigt har det inneburit mångdubblade möjligheter för felinformation och desinformation, för falska nyheter och för spridning av myter och propaganda. Gränslinjen mellan sanning och lögn har blivit svårare att dra. Utvecklingen är en utmaning för journalistikens informationskvalitet och nyhetsmediernas roll som informationskälla, granskare och forum för samhällsdebatt.I den här boken diskuteras källkritikens villkor, principer och betydelse i en tid där desinformation och lögn sprids minst lika snabbt som sanna påståenden. Bokens normativa utgångspunkt är kravet om sannfärdighet och verklighetsförankring i nyhetsmediernas rapportering. Källkritikens begrepp och praxis diskuteras först och främst i förhållande till journalistikens utmaningar, men de generella problemställningarna är också relevanta för andra ämnesområden där kunskap är beroende av trovärdiga källor och kvalitetsgranskat källmaterial. Eftersom medier av olika slag är centrala för kommunikation och kunskapsförmedling i vår samtid, är källkritisk medvetenhet av generell betydelse för alla samhällsmedborgare. Källkritik! Journalistik i lögnens tid är ett bidrag till en mer kvalificerad diskussion på området.
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6.
  • Allern, Sigurd, et al. (author)
  • Mediated Scandals
  • 2012
  • In: Scandalou! The mediated construction of political scandals in four nordic countries. - Göteborg : Nordicom. - 9789186523275 ; , s. 9-28
  • Book chapter (peer-reviewed)
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7.
  • Allern, Sigurd, 1946-, et al. (author)
  • New Nordic Noir : Political Scandals as Drama and Media Hunts
  • 2019
  • In: The Routledge Companion to Media and Scandal. - London : Routledge. - 9781351173001 ; , s. 129-137
  • Book chapter (peer-reviewed)abstract
    • This chapter focuses on the basis of Nordic research, present data about the incidence, types and consequences of scandals in Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden as well as discuss the political and societal effects of scandal journalism. It discusses the way in which mediated political scandals are launched, dramatized and interpreted. For Nordic news media, information on norm violations that can be reported, staged and dramatized as a political scandal is a competitive resource and a strategic, market-related investment in terms of reputation and audience interest. In practice, professional standards in Nordic scandal journalism vary considerably. The most typical Nordic “sex scandals” are accusations of rape or sexual harassment, buying sexual services from prostitutes or intercourse with minors, actions prohibited by law. Several factors may have influenced the increased importance of scandals in Nordic countries after the millennium. The liberalization and deregulation of the public sector in all Nordic countries has created opportunities for more private competition, but it has also increased the importance of lobbyism.
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8.
  • Allern, Sigurd, 1946-, et al. (author)
  • Nordic political scandals – Frequency, types and consequences
  • 2016
  • In: Mediated Scandals. - Köln : Herbert von Halem Verlag. - 9783869622033 ; , s. 146-164
  • Book chapter (peer-reviewed)abstract
    • Investigating powerful institutions and public figures plays an important part in the professional ideology of journalism. Exposing circumstances that create scandals help news organisations strengthen their legitimacy, and sometimes result in journalistic awards.  In certain contexts journalistic investigations provide us with new knowledge about goings on in the hidden corridors of power, insights that can strengthen open, democratic debates. A society without any revelations that voters interpret as scandalous may be symptomatic of authoritarian control and a lack of press freedom. According to the sociologist Jeffrey Alexander (1988), journalists are taking in the responsibility of restoring the moral order of society.It would, however, be naïve to interpret any mediated scandal as strengthening democratic processes. Sometimes scandal reports reveal transgressions of norms that from a political point of view are quite trivial and after some time are easily forgotten by the public. The distinction between the important and the irrelevant may then be blurred. Democratic values are not necessarily enhanced when elected leaders, after days or weeks of media hunts, are pressed to resign before those who have elected them have a chance to influence the outcome. Neither do unilateral media campaigns that include tendencies of demonization create an ideal climate for reasoning and public debate.For a long time the Nordic region was regarded a scandal-free zone compared with other parts of Western Europe and the US. Commenting well-known political corruption cases in Western Germany in the 1980s, John Logue (1988: 261), for example, added that the Scandinavian labour movements and governments “are virtually free of such embarrassments”. Nobody would award such a political and moral certificate today.An analysis of national, political scandals in Sweden, Norway, Denmark and Finland covering the period 1980 – 2009, confirms that political scandals have gradually become a more regular feature in news media coverage, but with a low increase throughout the first two decades. The significant increase comes in 2000-2009, with a level nearly three times higher than in the first two decades (Allern, Kantola, Pollack & Blach-Ørsten, 2012).  In this article we will present some of the results from this Nordic study and compare them with a new analysis of national political scandals in two of the countries, Sweden and Norway, in the following five years (2010-2014). Three questions will be addressed: Is there still an increased incidence of mediated scandals over time? In a societal context, how important are the norm violations? What have been the consequences for scandalized politicians?
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9.
  • Allern, Sigurd, et al. (author)
  • Svängdörrarnas förlovade land : Lobbyismens betydelse för klassamhällets eliter
  • 2018
  • Reports (other academic/artistic)abstract
    • I den här texten diskuteras några av de demokratiproblem som är knutna till en samhällsutveckling där privat, kommersialiserad lobbying spelar en växande politisk roll och där politiskt tillitskapital kan utnyttjats kommersiellt.Först definieras och diskuteras begreppet lobbyism, därefter dryftas den ekonomiska och politiska bakgrunden till PR-branschens framväxt. Sedan går vi mer konkret in på politiska karriärer i ”svängdörrarnas rike” och ger exempel på politisk påtryckarmakt. Efter det för vi en diskussion om vilken typ av kompetens som är till salu på denna konsultmarknad.I slutavsnittet pekar vi på behovet av ökad öppenhet och hårdare reglering av ett politiskt system där politiskt förtroendekapital i rask takt förvandlas till en ordinär vara på marknaden.
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10.
  • Allern, Sigurd, 1946-, et al. (author)
  • Swedish Advocacy Think Tanks as News Sources and Agenda-Setters
  • 2016
  • In: Tidsskriftet Politik. - : Det Kgl. Bibliotek/Royal Danish Library. - 1604-0058. ; 19:1, s. 61-76
  • Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
    • The topic of this paper is the media visibility of Swedish advocacy think tanks, as measured by references to these think tanks in leading Swedish print newspapers. Advocacy think tanks are, in contrast with more research-oriented think tanks, characterised by their outspoken ideological and political agenda. In public debates, they often have a partisan role. Four research questions will be answered: How often are these advocacy think tanks referred to in the news? How important are they as commentators and opinion-makers? How are they presented as sources in the news? What is the relative strength of market-liberal and right-wing think tanks versus red/green think tanks, in terms of media representation and agenda-setting?The selection criteria, type of newspapers, and time period used in this study of Swedish advocacy think tanks have been coordinated with parallel, national think tank studies by media researchers in Denmark, Norway, and Finland. Several changes in the think tank landscape took place after the turn of the millennium, which motivated us to select two full newspaper years, 2006 and 2013, to better cover these developments. To gain a deeper understanding of the think tanks’ backgrounds, their cooperation with other think tanks, and their media strategies, we conducted background interviews with representatives from four advocacy think tanks. We met with Karin Svanborg-Sjövall, CEO of Timbro; Boa Ruthström, CEO of Arena Idé, and Maja Dahl, communication manager of Arena Idé; Mattias Goldmann, CEO of Fores; and Daniel Suhonen, the leader of Katalys.
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11.
  • Allern, Sigurd, et al. (author)
  • The Marketplace of Scandals
  • 2012
  • In: Scandalous. - Göteborg : Nordicom. - 9789186523275 ; , s. 181-190
  • Book chapter (peer-reviewed)
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12.
  • Allern, Sigurd, 1946-, et al. (author)
  • The Role of Think Tanks in the Swedish Political Landscape
  • 2020
  • In: Scandinavian Political Studies. - : Wiley. - 0080-6757 .- 1467-9477. ; 43:3, s. 145-169
  • Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
    • The term ‘think tank’ represents a heterogeneous concept and is used to characterise a diverse group of organisations. This diversity also characterises the Swedish organisations and institutions that currently fall under the think tank umbrella. In the Swedish political context, most organisations known by the public and news media as think tanks are advocacy organisations with an unambiguous ideological and political profile. Further, during the last decade, we have seen a proliferation of independent, self‐declared think tanks with more specific policy agendas, such as the environment and health care. However, according to the broader understanding used in global rankings, the Swedish think tank landscape includes a range of research institutions in different policy areas. Some receive funding from the Confederation of Swedish Enterprise, corporations and private donors; others are government‐funded, with Stockholm's International Peace Research Institute as a prominent example. The aim of this article is to map the Swedish think tank landscape and its borders and analyse the roles of different types of think tanks in consensual or confrontational policymaking. Strategic differences among these types are related to historical background and funding. While government‐funded and some policy‐sector think tanks typically represent a tradition of consensual policymaking, those funded by the Corporation of Swedish Enterprise and other business interests represent a post‐corporatist development advocating neoliberal ideas and assuming a confrontational role in the expansion of private ownership and market solutions.
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  • Danielson, Magnus, 1961- (author)
  • Den granskande makten : Institutionell identitet och rättsnarrativ i SVT:s Uppdrag granskning
  • 2016
  • Doctoral thesis (other academic/artistic)abstract
    • SVT:s Uppdrag granskning ett av de mest högprofilerade TV-program som specialiserat sig på uppgiften att granska makten. Programmet studeras i den egenskapen som en fallstudie inom forskningsområdet journalistik och makt.Journalistisk granskning av makt utgör ett sätt på vilket det demokratiska samhället hanterar vissa typer av överträdelse, skuld och ansvar. Uppdrag granskning kan i det sammanhanget ses och undersökas som en social institution som agerar inom det rätts-moraliska området. Reportrar identifierar överträdelser, leder i bevis, intervjuar offer och vittnen, ställer överträdare till svars samt initierar diskussioner kring rättvisa, moral och samhällsansvar. En narrativ analys av fem utvalda program inriktar sig på att undersöka hur programmets granskningar konstruerar institutionell identitet samt formerar, reproducerar och legitimerar journalistikens egen makt och legitimitet då de presenteras i rättsnarrativ form.En kvantitativ innehållsanalys av Uppdrag gransknings samtliga program mellan 2001-2014 ger svar på frågorna: Vilka makthavare granskas? Vilken typ av maktmissbruk eller missförhållanden handlar granskningarna om, inom vilka problem- och samhällsområden görs de?Fem journalister har också intervjuats i syfte att ge perspektiv på deras egna tankar, reflektioner och åsikter om journalistik och makt.Avhandlingen utgör ett bidrag till den fortlöpande diskussion om mediernas makt och förhållande till makt som efterlyses i demokratiutredningen SOU, 2000:1 ”En hållbar demokrati”
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16.
  • Ester, Pollack (author)
  • Sandy blåste liv i fejkade fotografier : Under Strecket
  • 2012
  • In: Svenska Dagbladet. - Stockholm. - 1101-2412. ; :8 november
  • Journal article (pop. science, debate, etc.)abstract
    • På sociala medier fick spektakulära men ofta manipulerade fotografier av stormen Sandy hösten 2012 snabbt stor spridning. De plockades upp av nyhetsmedierna som vittnesbilder, en del autentiska, andra manipulerade. Att bevara en skepsis mot den glada amatörismen är en viktig utmaning för journalistiken i det digitala informationsflödet.
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17.
  • Forsberg, Anette, 1954- (author)
  • Sorgens avtryck : Erfarenheter av medverkan som sörjande i journalistik om brott och olyckor
  • 2015
  • Doctoral thesis (other academic/artistic)abstract
    • The aim of the thesis is to investigate the experiences of mourners of participating in news reports about grief in connection with crime and accidents. There are two overarching research questions. How do the bereaved experience their encounters with, and treatment by, journalists - what do they think of journalists’ motives, strategies, methods and ethics? How do the bereaved use journalism, i.e. what are their motives and strategies for participation, and how do they perceive their relations with journalists and the consequences of having been interviewed?The theoretical underpinnings are provided by scholarship on source relations, (encounters with and negotiations between journalists and news sources), news constructions (narrative components and patterns in grief journalism) and journalistic ethics, with a particular focus on an ethics of proximity, i.e. the ethical dimensions of people’s relations and encounters.The empirical material is comprised of qualitative interviews with 22 respondents who featured, in their capacity as mourners, in Swedish news reports of deaths connected with crime and accidents. A strategic sample was made with the aim of attaining as much variation as possible among respondents above all in their relationship to the deceased and cause of death, but also in terms of the attention given to the event in the media, the number of contacts with journalists, and how contact was made.The perception of the respondents is that journalists wanted to talk to them because the event had news value and was of general interest. In dramatic cases, the victim’s next of kin, in particular, felt that journalists also had commercial motives. As the respondents see it, the strategies used by journalists can involve trying to persuade the bereaved to participate, and steering them so that the news interview and text can be shaped in accordance with established narratives of grief journalism. Some respondents said journalists had shown them respect, while others felt they had been treated with a lack of consideration. The findings are ambivalent in that journalists’ methods were experienced positively by some respondents and negatively by others. Involvement in news reporting can offer redress, giving respondents a chance to pay tribute to the deceased. It can also provide comfort, as it can be incorporated into the mourning process and make it possible to share one’s grief both with people one knows and with strangers. The study also found that respondents have strategies of their own. In their dealings with journalists, they can negotiate for control by insisting on reading the text before publication or favouring journalists they perceive as more sympathetic and resisting those they dislike. Respondents’ relations with and perceptions of journalists can be conflictual or consensual, and characterized by a passive or active attitude. Journalists can be seen as allies and potential assets, or as enemies and a source of insecurity. If the death was dramatic and attracted considerable media attention, relations become more conflictual, with respondents who feel cornered liable to ‘attack’ journalists. This can be triggered by shock. However, shock can also numb close relatives emotionally, making them indifferent and their attitude one of passive acceptance.
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  • Hessérus, Mattias, 1977- (author)
  • Rätten till privatlivet : och moralen bakom omoralen i svensk press 1920 – 1980
  • 2016
  • Doctoral thesis (other academic/artistic)abstract
    • This thesis examines the development of the notion of the right to privacy in Sweden between 1920 and 1980. The formation of the notion of the right to privacy is studied through the debate concerning exposure of the aspect of privacy that can be considered the most sensitive: the individual’s sex life and intimate relations.The theoretical framework is based on the sociologist Ferdinand Tönnies’ concepts of Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft (community and association). The thesis pays particular attention to privacy in relation to the development of the “media society” during the 20th century.Three significant shifts in the Swedish history of privacy during the 20th century are identified and examined: The boycott of the muck-raking paper Fäderneslandet (“The Fatherland”) in 1927, the introduction of “the sanctity of private life” in the rules of the Swedish Publicists’ Association in 1953 and the appointment of the Integrity Protection Committee in 1966.Key findings are: The notion of right to privacy in Sweden evolves in four phases: The first phase (1920 – 1953) is characterized by a paradoxical relationship to privacy following the division between “decent” and “indecent”. “Decent people” had the right to a private sphere while “indecent people” were deprived of privacy. After a viscous hunt of homosexuals in the press, in the late 1940’s, the second phase (1953 – 1964) is defined by liberalisation of the decency concept and a more restrictive press policy as regards exposure of private details relating to sexuality.A modern-day notion of right to privacy is, however, not visible in Sweden until the third phase (1964 – 1975). Yet, the fourth phase (1975 – 1980) is characterised by a backlash. Under the slogan of “the private is political” young radicals and second-wave feminists questioned the privacy concept and saw the right to privacy as a threat to community and equality. Attempts to create privacy legislation in Sweden failed due to unwillingness by the government to recognize the rights of the individual over the rights of the community.Conflicting notions of Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft within society partly explains the shifting status of the right to privacy in Sweden 1920 – 1980.
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20.
  • Pollack, Ester (author)
  • As the Holocaust escalated, the Swedish press fell silent : media and the normalisation of passivity and non-engagement in WWII Sweden
  • 2020
  • In: Social Semiotics. - : Informa UK Limited. - 1035-0330 .- 1470-1219. ; 30:4, s. 449-465
  • Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
    • How could the Holocaust happen - and why did the surrounding world not react? During the first decades after World War II, in Sweden as in many other countries, a common answer was we did not know. The argument is still used. However, today we know that testimonies about the mass murder in concentration camps were spread through both diplomatic channels and international news reports. To what extent did this information also reach the Swedish citizens, living in a neutral nation? In this article I present two studies. One study analyses Swedish news about Jews from January 1933 to the end of May 1945. The results show an interest in Jewish questions throughout the 1930s, culminating in 1938 (Kristallnacht), but with a decreased attention thereafter and with very limited reporting in 1940 and 1941. A second study analyses articles about the extermination camps in Germany and Poland in 1938-1945 and shows that bits and pieces of news information can be found, but the publications are at the same time limited in facts and restricted in coverage. Information control by Swedish authorities and self-censorship contributed to the silencing of the German war crimes and the normalisation of not knowing.
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21.
  • Pollack, Ester, 1954- (author)
  • Brottslighet och namnpublicering
  • 2020
  • In: Uthängd!. - Stockholm : Institutet för mediestudier. - 9789198498257 ; , s. 114-133
  • Book chapter (other academic/artistic)abstract
    • I studien undersöks hur kriminaljournalistiken i Aftonbladet, Expressen och Dagens Nyheter förhöll sig till att namnge brottslingar 2014 och 2019 med möjlighet att jämföra bakåt med hur Dagens Nyheter och Göteborgs-Posten gjorde under 1900-talet. Den övergripande slutsatsen är att tidningarnas praxis blivit mer återhållsam med tiden. I början av 1900-talet identifierades regelmässigt misstänkta brottslingar. I dag namnges brottslingar betydligt mer sällan. Det fanns däremot få skillnader vad gäller namngivning mellan 2014 och 2019 i undersökningen. Expressen publicerar båda åren oftare namn än Aftonbladet som i sin tur gör det oftare än Dagens Nyheter. Alla tidningarna publicerar oftare namn när det gäller brott mot person än mot egendom. Och de är alla tre restriktiva med att ange etnicitet hos brottslingar. Sett i längre perspektiv har namnpubliceringen i DN i nutid jämfört med DN och GP vid olika jämförelsepunkter under 1900-talet också minskat över tid, med ett undantag. Det gäller namngivning av personer som begått egendomsbrott eller ”övriga brott” på 1960- och 1980-talet. Där namnges fler i dag än då. För brott mot person minskar namngivning tydligt år efter år.
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  • Pollack, Ester, 1954-, et al. (author)
  • Criticism of the Police in the News : Discourses and Frames in the News Media’s Coverage of the Norwegian Bureau for the Investigation of Police Affairs
  • 2014
  • In: Nordicom Review. - : Walter de Gruyter GmbH. - 1403-1108 .- 2001-5119. ; 35:1, s. 33-50
  • Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
    • Mediated descriptions of reality are tremendously important to the way the public - and policymakers - perceive the police. The present article analyses how leading news outlets reported and commented on complaints against the Norwegian police during the period 2005-2008. The study is based on content analyses of press and television coverage, with special emphasis on a publicly debated police action in which a student of African origins lost his life. In most cases, news coverage of the police and the investigators of the police is event-driven, and the picture of the police seldom points to institutional or organizational problems. The story is too often one about individual wrongdoings alone. Unfortunately, such media pictures matter and influence policy decisions, especially when they become the point of departure for political debate
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23.
  • Pollack, Ester, 1954-, et al. (author)
  • Den mediale skandalen
  • 2009. - 2000
  • In: SKANDALENES MARKEDSPLASS. - Bergen : Fagboksforlaget. - 9788245008470 ; , s. 9-24
  • Book chapter (other academic/artistic)
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24.
  • Pollack, Ester, 1954-, et al. (author)
  • Development trends and challenges in Nordic political journalism
  • 2021
  • In: Power, Communication, and Politics in the Nordic Countries. - Göteborg : Nordicom. - 9789188855282 ; , s. 135-154
  • Book chapter (peer-reviewed)abstract
    • The objective of this chapter is to describe and discuss some important political journalism development trends in Denmark, Finland, Norway, and Sweden. The term political journalism traditionally refers to news, commentaries, and other genres related to the coverage of political processes, institutions, and policy questions. It is, however, difficult to draw a clear dividing line between political news and other types of current affairs coverage. While political logic once dominated the discourses of political journalism, the emergence of the news media as an independent institution gave journalists a substantial definitional power and an ability to define the communicative rules of the game, but professional political sources quickly learned to exploit news media logics for their own aims and objectives. During the last decade, the growth of social media networks and the relative weakening of the legacy media has created a less stable situation for the negotiation of control between journalists and their sources.
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25.
  • Pollack, Ester, 1954-, et al. (author)
  • Disclosure of Scandinavian telecom companies’ corruption in Uzbekistan : The role of investigative journalists
  • 2018
  • In: European Journal of Communication. - : SAGE Publications. - 0267-3231 .- 1460-3705. ; 33:1, s. 73-88
  • Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
    • Transparency International’s yearly Corruption Perceptions Index ranks Scandinavia as one of the least corrupt regions in the world. However, during the past decades, large Scandinavian corporations in the telecommunications, oil and defence industries have – in their struggle for business contracts in other countries – been involved in several large-scale bribery scandals. There has also been a growing range of corruption cases in the Swedish and Norwegian public sectors. In many of these cases, investigative journalists have played a crucial role in the disclosure of corruption, sometimes cooperating across media organisations and countries, demonstrating the importance of journalism as a public good for democracy. In this article, we explore, discuss and analyse the work of and methods used by investigative journalists in revealing large-scale corruption related to the expansion of Nordic telecom companies in Uzbekistan.
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27.
  • Pollack, Ester, 1954- (author)
  • en studie i... Medier och brott
  • 2001
  • Doctoral thesis (other academic/artistic)abstract
    • AbstractThe principal objective of this study is to provide a concrete historical illumination of the interplay between the media, crime and crime policy over the course of the last 50 years. A further important objective is to identify the boundaries of a field of research, ëmediated crimeí, lying between criminology and media studies, and to show how these two disciplines can stimulate one another.A critical examination of criminological and media studies theories on the relationship between crime policy, the media and crime indicates that, given the objectives outlined above, the most fruitful theories are those based on an institutional approach, that employ a contextual constructivist and historical perspective. The moral panic perspective lends itself particularly well to adaptations in this field of enquiry.A longitudinal study of crime journalism covering the period 1915 to 1955 examined crime texts from a one-week period every tenth year in four national daily newspapers. One of the major findings was that the crimes referred to vary over time in a way that cannot simply be explained by crime trends. A further series of contextualised, cross-sectional studies of the years 1955, 1975 and 1995, have focused on the discourse relating to the young offender and societal responses to youth crime. The legislative reform relating to the introduction of community service was included in the study of the year 1995. The media treatment of the juvenile crime issue is analysed in relation to crime policy documents. Several methods are employed, principal among them being a context oriented discourse analysis. The findings from the cross-sectional studies are presented in three time tableaux, where the focus is directed at synchronous relationships.In 1955, journalism served the notion of the national welfare state. There is a high degree of consensus between media content and crime policy. The period is characterised by an optimistic faith in the integration of young deviants into society. By 1975, journalism has become more independent. In both the media and the field of crime policy, there is criticism of the prison system, but also a spirit of optimism in relation to the possibilities offered by treatment programs. In 1995, journalism is a central social institution where the essentials of crime policy are dealt with and played out. Actors with an effective media strategy are able to create a major impact through the media at the same time as the media, on the basis of their own initiatives, have a large impact on the political sphere. The media are characterised by a tangible spirit of pessimism in relation to both the future and the possibilities offered by treatment, and this is linked to depictions of a youth culture of violence.One important finding is that changes in crime policy are better understood when one looks to the institutional interplay between crime policy and the media. The use of the term media panic is proposed as a more widely applicable concept than the moral panic, to relate to all forms of media constructed panic and hate phenomena that are of significance for the way society deals with crime.
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28.
  • Pollack, Ester, 1954- (author)
  • "Extra, Extra. Hon sågas - hon avgår"
  • 2009. - 2000
  • In: SKANDALENES MARKEDSPLASS. - Bergen : Fagboksforlaget. - 9788245008470 ; , s. 99-120
  • Book chapter (other academic/artistic)
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30.
  • Pollack, Ester, et al. (author)
  • Journalistik som kollektiv nytta
  • 2016
  • In: Människorna, medierna & marknaden. - Stockholm : Wolters Kluwer. - 9789138244333 ; , s. 31-51
  • Book chapter (other academic/artistic)
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31.
  • Pollack, Ester, 1954- (author)
  • Kriminaljournalistik 1915 till 1995
  • 1996
  • In: Medierummet. - Stockholm : Carlsson Bokförlag. - 9172031638 ; , s. 111-140
  • Book chapter (other academic/artistic)abstract
    • Under perioden 1915-1995 ökar pressens intresse för brott. Artiklarna blir fler och illustreras oftare. Ett undantag är 1960-talet då kriminalitet beskrivs i termer av allmänna sociala problem. Vilka frågor eller vilka typer av brott som får uppmärksamhet över åren varierar. Ingen uppenbar korrelation mellan brottsutveckling och medierapportering om brott existerar. Under 1990-talet har texter som rör kriminalpolitiska frågor ökat markant och medierna blivit en arena för partipolitiska utspel på området samtidigt som mediernas kommersialisering och krav på underhållning gett brott större uppmärksamhet. 
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32.
  • Pollack, Ester, 1954- (author)
  • Kriminalpolitik med farliga förenklingar
  • 2022. - 1
  • In: Snabbtänkt 2.0 22. - Sundsvall : DEMICOM. - 9789189341777
  • Book chapter (peer-reviewed)abstract
    • Journalistikens nyhetsvärderingar premierar det mest exceptionella och därför har också skjutvåldet och sprängningarna fått en framskjuten plats i medierna under de senaste två decennierna.  Under valrörelsen kunde vi iaktta hur den allt överordnade skildringen av våldsbrottsligheten kom att behandlas som en stor nationell kris. En samsyn mellan högersidans partier och Socialdemokraterna som försökte övertrumfa varandra med förslag om hårdare och mer långtgående förslag om straff, var det som framträdde allra tydligast i de olika mediedebatterna. Genom den fokuseringen och ensidigheten krympte utrymmet för andra viktiga framtidsfrågor samman. 
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33.
  • Pollack, Ester, 1954-, et al. (author)
  • Mediebilder av politikritikk : en analyse av hvordan sentrale nyhetsmedier har dekket Spesialenheten for politisaker 2005-2008
  • 2009
  • In: Et ansvarlig politi. - Oslo : Departementenes servicesenter. - 9788258310201 ; , s. 247-271
  • Book chapter (other academic/artistic)abstract
    • I Mediebilder av politikritikk redogörs för hur centrala norska nyhetsmedier rapporterat om Spesialenheten for politisaker (den norska polisens interna organisation för behandling av klagomål rörande polisen) perioden 2005-2008. Såväl press som TV undersöks med både kvantitativa och kvalitativa metoder. Resultaten visar att mediernas kritik av polisen i första hand fokuserar på individuella normbrott, sällan på organisationskultur. Specialenheten beskrivs främst som ett utredningsorgan, neutralt eller positivt belyst. Uppmärksamheten varierar, är oftast kortvarig och fokuserar på högst olika incidenter och fall. Rapporteringen om en speciell händelse under perioden, den s k Obiora-saken, får dock stora dimensioner. Två separata diskurser präglar medierapporteringen 2005-2008: "polisdiskursen" (polisen utför ett viktigt och svårt arbete) och "rasismdiskursen" (polisen är präglad av institutionell rasism).
  •  
34.
  • Pollack, Ester, 1954- (author)
  • Mediedrev och politiska skandaler
  • 2016
  • In: Medielandskapet. - Stockholm : Axel och Margaret Ax:son Johnsons stiftelse för allmännyttiga ändamål. - 9789189672796 ; , s. 93-103
  • Book chapter (other academic/artistic)abstract
    • I Sverige har mediedrev blivit en vanlig beteckning på en mediebevakning som är omfattande, kritisk men ensidig, och bär prägel av kampanj. ’Drevet går’ när många medier deltar och konkurrerar med varandra om att ’slänga ved på brasan’. Speciellt typisk är karakteristiken för delar av bevakningen under medierade politiska och ekonomiska skandaler och liknande ’affärer’. Men det händer också att de som utsätts för normal kritisk, journalistisk bevakning av en eller flera redaktioner försöker undfly kritiken med hänvisning till att den representerar ’ett drev’.En av de faktorer som skapar mediedrevets dynamik är nyhetskonkurrensen. Personfokuserade politikerskandaler kan se som en sorts populärkulturell såpopera: där finns en hög kändisfaktor, lätt förståeliga normbrott, abstraktionsnivån är låg och de kan åskådliggöras genom enkel visualisering. Skandaliseringsprocessen får följetongskaraktär och är mestadels en journalistik som är lätt och billig att producera samtidigt som den skapar många läsare/tittare/lyssnare. Skandalen blir en ’snackis’, något som upptar fikarum såväl som debattsoffor och facebookgrupper. I medierna sker en runddans, man lånar och klipper av varandra. Det blir en repetition på alla tillgängliga plattformar, något som skapar ett massivt intryck och förstärker upplevelsen, både hos publiken och den berörde, av ett monumentalt genomslag. På Wikipedia och i andra fora bevaras minnet av drevets ’avslöjande’ och kommer att förbli en del i den enskilde politikerns biografi – oavsett seriositeten eller riktigheten i anklagelserna.
  •  
35.
  • Pollack, Ester, 1954- (author)
  • Medier och brott
  • 2008. - Första upplagan
  • In: Handbok i rättspsykologi. - Stockholm : Liber. - 9789147052875 ; , s. 423-436
  • Book chapter (other academic/artistic)abstract
    • I kapitlet berörs kort brottsjournalistikens historia, den svenska kriminaljournalistikens och kriminalpolitikens parallella utveckling, och några olika perspektiv på relationen mellan rättsväsendet och medierna diskuteras.
  •  
36.
  • Pollack, Ester, 1954- (author)
  • Medierna och brottsjournalistiken
  • 2021
  • In: Handbok i rättspsykologi. - Stockholm : Liber. - 9789147113064 ; , s. 143-157
  • Book chapter (peer-reviewed)abstract
    • I detta kapitel berör jag brottsjournalistikens historia, den svenska kriminaljournalistiken och kriminalpolitikens parallella utveckling, diskuterar några olika perspektiv på relationen mellan rättsväsendet och medierna samt journalisters roll som kritiska granskare av olika rättsfall. En viktig kunskap som medieforskningen bidragit med och som på olika sätt diskuteras i kapitlet är att det inte finns någon enkel korrelation mellan brottsutveckling och brottsrapportering. 
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37.
  • Pollack, Ester, 1954- (author)
  • Moskvaprocesserna i svensk press
  • 2005
  • In: Kommunismens ansikten. - Stockholm : Brutus Östlings Bokförlag Symposion. - 9171397345 ; , s. 50-85
  • Book chapter (other academic/artistic)abstract
    • The Moscow trials During the Great Terror in the USSR, 1936–38, countless crimes against human rights were committed. As we know, the period was characterised by arrests, summary trials, deportations and executions of individuals and groups on a large scale. During these years, too, the ‘show trials’ took place in Moscow. These trials created a marked stir in the Swedish press: in contrary to the uninterest in the Great Famine, the Moscow trials got a lot of press coverage and attention. How come? And in what way did the press report about the trials? These are some of the questions adressed in this book chapter. “Media Events” is a term set by media researchers Dayan and Katz (1994). They discuss a type of arranged communication in distance, like the Olympics or the marriage in a royal family, i.e. exceptional but in the same time pre-planned and well organized events and send all over the world by television. In the case of the trials the media channels were the radio and the press, but according to pre-planning and getting the worlds attention, could one say that Stalin managed to direct a Media Event?
  •  
38.
  • Pollack, Ester, 1954- (author)
  • Människor i mediedrev : Fanny Duckert & Kim Edgar Karlsen: I medienes søkelys: Eksponering, stress og mestring
  • 2018
  • In: Apollon. - 0803-6926 .- 0806-3702. ; :17 januari
  • Review (other academic/artistic)abstract
    • Vad händer med enskilda individer när de blir utsatta för mediernas kritiska och negativa uppmärksamhet? Hur hanterar man att bli fokus i en skandal? När rubriker och uppslag i mänger basunerar ut att du är en skurk, en människa med dålig karaktär, en person som inte borde ha den position du har? När du måste gömma dig för tv-kameror och journalister som envetet följer dig och kräver kommentarer? Kanske blir din familj indragen, kanske duckar dina kollegor och kanske förlorar du jobbet.Den här och många liknande frågor har undersökts i ett forskningsprojekt som letts av Fanny Duckert, professor vid Psykologisk institutt, Universitetet i Oslo och Kim Edgar Karlsen, assisterande avdelningschef vid Voksenpsykiatrisk avdelning Vinderen, Diakonhjemmet sykehus, och som nu sammanfattats i boken I Medienes Søkelys. Till grund för projektet, som pågått mellan 2002 och 2015, ligger ett omfattande intervjumaterial vars kärna består av 27 män och 16 kvinnor från såväl politikens, som idrottens och kulturens områden, inom både offentlig och privat verksamhet. I området kultur ingår bland andra en grupp av kända norska programledare på TV, en intressant kategori att följa när de själva som journalister hamnar i en motsatt roll och blir utsatta för ett mediedrev.
  •  
39.
  •  
40.
  •  
41.
  • Pollack, Ester, 1954- (author)
  • Personalized scandalization : Sensationalizing trivial conflicts?
  • 2015
  • In: The Dynamic of Mediatized Conflicts. - New York : Peter Lang Publishing Group. - 9781433128080 ; , s. 93-110
  • Book chapter (peer-reviewed)abstract
    • This chapter discusses political scandals in Nordic countries, with a focus on recent scandals concerning norm transgressions related to the personal behaviour of politicians. Three scandals are briefly presented as illustrations, and a fourth is analysed in greater detail. A closer look at this type of scandal reveals that the ‘crime’ in question is often a relatively trivial offence, especially in legal terms. Scandalization processes are useful weapons in power struggles and conflicts between political actors. Scandals also demonstrate the influence of media organizations and journalists in political conflicts. The news media represent both the public sphere and the marketplace in which scandals are presented and developed as dramas. This development is discussed against the background of a political-cultural climate characterized by a high degree of visibility and a political environment in which personalities have gained importance. 
  •  
42.
  •  
43.
  • Pollack, Ester, 1954-, et al. (author)
  • Politikritikk i nyhetsbildet
  • 2009
  • In: Demokrati, kontroll og tillit. - Oslo : PHS-forskning. - 0807-1721. ; :4, s. 77-99
  • Journal article (peer-reviewed)
  •  
44.
  •  
45.
  • Pollack, Ester, 1954-, et al. (author)
  • Revolving doors and democratic challenges
  • 2014
  • Conference paper (peer-reviewed)abstract
    • Public relations consultants perform a range of roles. One of these roles is to be an advisor in lobbying – or ‘public affairs’ as it is called in the branch lingo. In the Nordic countries consultancies mainly see their role as advisors, in some contrast to professional lobbying firms in the US. However, this does not exclude more direct back stage lobbying on behalf of clients. The business idea is to sell their staffs knowledge of how political decisions best can be influenced. The clients, the principals who pay the bills, are most typically corporations and branch organisations, but also include interest groups and even municipalities who want to influence government decisions. In this political marketplace, former politicians, journalists and officials have found new career opportunities as well-paid lobbying consultants. Based on experiences from Norway and Sweden this paper investigates, analysis and discusses the relations and interactions between influential actors engaged in lobbying and mediated agenda setting. 
  •  
46.
  • Pollack, Ester, et al. (author)
  • Romregister och brott på topp : Rapportering om romer i Dagens Nyheter och Aftonbladet 1995-2014
  • 2015
  • In: Mediebilden av romer. - Stockholm : Institutet för mediestudier. - 9789198063158 ; , s. 10-31
  • Book chapter (other academic/artistic)abstract
    • Medierapportering spelar roll. Det har sällan varit så tydligt som när DN den 8 maj 2015 skriver på förstasidan: ”Polischefen ber romer om ursäkt. Eliasson lovar bättring efter DN:s avslöjande”. Rubriken refererar till DN:s egen reportageserie om det så kallade rom-registret i september 2013, ett polisregister där romer och resande registrerades oavsett om de begått brott eller inte. Barn såväl som avlidna var medräknade. Rubriken från 2015 visar att DN:s avslöjande fått en tydlig effekt. Polischefens ursäkt får också sin så viktiga offentliga karaktär just genom att den rapporteras i medierna. På detta sätt kommer ursäkten till allmän kännedom. På samma sätt har all annan medierapportering om romer betydelse för kunskap om och förståelse av romers situation. Den offentliga diskussionen om romer har varit särskilt påtaglig det senaste decenniet. Debattens vågor har gått höga inte bara kring romregistret, utan också kring främst rumänska romer som tigger och sover på gator och i tältläger i Sverige. Rapporteringen om romer berör rörligheten av arbetskraft inom EU-området, frågor om social och ekonomisk utslagning samt debatt om nationalism, ”främlingsfientlighet” och ren rasism. I en ny norsk surveystudie och forskningsrapport om tillresande fattiga från Rumänien i Oslo, Köpenhamn och Stockholm pekas det på att migranterna – både romer och andra – i huvudsak kommer från grupper och lokalsamhällen som har upplevt ökande grad av social marginalisering och fattigdom i hemlandet (Djuve, Friberg, Tyldum & Zhang, 2015). I vår studie undersöker vi medierapportering kring romer under de senaste 20 åren, från och med Sveriges EU-inträde 1995 till och med 2014 då rapporteringen om ”romer”, ”zigenare”, ”EU-migranter”, ”tiggare” och allt vad denna grupp kallas, med tiden blir mycket intensiv. När en grupp får många namn på detta sätt är det inte så säkert att det är ett ”kärt barn”; lingvisten Roger Fowler (1991) kallar det istället ”överlexikalisering”, ett fenomen som inträffar då något är omstritt och/eller definierat som onormalt. Vi studerar artiklar från Aftonbladet och Dagens Nyheter, de två mest lästa tidningarna ur de gamla kategorierna kvällstidning respektive morgontidning. På detta sätt kommer vi åt både de artiklar som når ut allra bredast via Aftonbladet, och de som publiceras i det organ som brukar betraktas som allra mest avgörande för opinionsbildning i Sverige: DN.
  •  
47.
  • Pollack, Ester, 1954-, et al. (author)
  • Skandalenes markedsplass
  • 2009. - 2000
  • In: SKANDALENES MARKEDSPLASS. - Bergen : Fagboksforlaget. - 9788245008470 ; , s. 193-205
  • Book chapter (other academic/artistic)
  •  
48.
  • Pollack, Ester, 1954-, et al. (author)
  • Svängdörrarnas förlovade land : Lobbyismens betydelse för klassamhällets eliter
  • 2021
  • In: Klass i Sverige. - Lund : Arkiv förlag & tidskrift. - 9789179243487 ; , s. 589-614
  • Book chapter (peer-reviewed)abstract
    • Sverige är en världsmästare i en mycket speciell och korruptionsbenägen politisk gren: snabb och obehindrad vandring fram och tillbaka mellan politik och lobbying. Dörrarna svänger friktionslöst: Den ena dagen minister, statssekreterare eller riksdagsledamot, nästa dag PR-konsult, lobbyist hos vapenproducenten SAAB eller rådgivare för Goldman Sachs. I praxis betyder det att en toppolitiker – utan att någon offentlig insyn existerar om hens kontakter och framtidsplaner – kan påverka politiska beslut som främjar senare karriärmöjligheter som PR-konsulter och näringslivslobbyister. I kapitlet diskuteras några av de demokratiproblem som vi menar är knutna till en samhällsutveckling där privat, kommersialiserad lobbying spelar en växande politisk roll och där politiskt tillitskapital kan utnyttjats kommersiellt. Först definieras och diskuteras begreppet lobbyism, därefter dryftar vi den ekonomiska och politiska bakgrunden till PR-branschens framväxt. Vi går också mer konkret in på politiska karriärer ”i svängdörrarnas rike” och ger två exempel på politisk påtryckarmakt; kampanjen för att hindra begränsningar av möjligheterna till vinst i välfärden och vapenlobbyns rekrytering av politiker. Efter detta diskuterar vi mer generellt vilken typ av kompetens som är till salu på denna konsultmarknad. I slutavsnittet pekar vi på behovet av ökad öppenhet och hårdare reglering av ett politiskt system där politiskt förtroendekapital i rask takt förvandlas till en ordinär vara på marknaden.  
  •  
49.
  • Pollack, Ester, 1954- (author)
  • Sweden and the #Metoo movement
  • 2019
  • In: Interactions. - : Intellect. - 1757-2681 .- 1757-269X. ; 10:3, s. 185-200
  • Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
    • The international #MeToo initiatives organized in October 2017 received a quick and widespread response in Sweden. Women from a wide range of occupational groups and work environments – after sharing their stories in closed forums on social media – made their testimonies public under several related hashtags. The testimonies about allegations of sexual misconduct and abuse were described as men’s misuse of power in relation to women in weaker positions, often women who were younger and dependent. The published testimonies quickly led to a stream of news reports and commentaries in the legacy media, in some cases resulting in individualized scandals and media hunts. One of these scandals related to the Swedish Academy, the institution responsible for the Nobel Prize in Literature. While the initial Swedish #MeToomovement was dominated by broad collective mobilization in different societal areas pointing to sexual harassment as a structural problem, the individualized scandal coverage in leading media outlets in some cases represented unverified ‘naming and shaming’ that later led to ethical critique and new public debates. A political result of the #MeToo movement in Sweden was a new law prohibiting non-consensual sex that came into force in July 2018.
  •  
50.
  • Pollack, Ester, 1954- (author)
  • Swedish Media and the Holocaust
  • 2014
  • Conference paper (peer-reviewed)abstract
    • How could it happen – and why did the surrounding world not react? These have been two of the recurrent questions concerning the Holocaust and the persecution of the Jews between 1941 and 1945. A common answer during the first decades after WW II, was “we did not know”. There is no support for this thesis today; information about the Nazi atrocities was not the problem. We know that the German population to a large extent were witnesses and we also know that testimonies about the persecution of Jews and others were spread through international newspaper reports. But to what extend did this reach the Swedish citizens? Sweden, a so-called neutral nation, took a bystander’s position during the Second World War. However, state regulation and censorship of the media was introduced to avoid Germany’s disapproval. What kind of information about the escalating victimization of the Jews did Swedish press provide their readers with?Previous research has presented different hypothesis about Swedish news reporting and the Holocaust. Koblik (1987) maintains the idea that the media in principally were indifferent to the fate of the Jews, Levine (1987) that the information was fragmented, without analysis and therefore without consistency. Svanberg and Tydén (1997) notice a rich documentation about the persecution of Jews in pre-war time, but less interest at the outbreak of the war. According to their study, the destiny of the Norwegian and Danish Jews had a dramatic impact on the Swedish press with increased publications. They also observe a greater outspokenness about the persecutions from the year 1943 – when Germany’s fortune of war turned.None of the studies above represent a systematic analysis of wartime reporting; they build on qualitative case studies of selected periods. The purpose of my study is to fill the gap and give a better-informed answer about Swedish news reporting and the Holocaust, in the historical context of Swedish politics at the time. I follow four different dailies, all being important opinion-papers, from 1930 to 1946: Göteborgs Handels- och Sjöfartstidning, Dagens Nyheter, Stockholms-Tidningen and Aftonbladet with different political affiliations and different attitudes, from protest to appreciation, toward Nazi-Germany. Quantitative content analyses are combined with qualitative case studies.The result shows an interest for “Jewish questions” throughout the thirties with a culmination in 1938 (“the night of broken glasses”), a decreased attention thereafter with nearly no reporting at all in the years of 1940 and 1941. Here, the anti-nazi paper makes an exception. In 1942 the deportations of the Norwegian Jews, and in 1943 the rescue of the Danish Jews, get a great deal of attention. When Germany seems to loose the war, the reporting about the persecution of Jews increases. The German friendly papers adapt to the situation. The results of the study are discussed with an institutional approach to media and political organisations and in relation to new Swedish historical research about Sweden’s relationship to Nazi Germany (Åmark 2011). 
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