| 1. |
- Linke, Sebastian, 1974, et al.
(author)
-
More than just a carding system: Labour implications of the EU’s illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing policy in Thailand
- 2021
-
In: Marine Policy. - : Elsevier BV. - 0308-597X. ; 127
-
Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Globally, the EU plays a leading role in combating Illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing activities. Specifically, the EU exercises normative power to influence regulatory strategies and governing frameworks in third countries. In 2015, the EU issued Thailand a yellow card, indicating that economic sanctions would be implemented unless IUU fishing practices were eliminated. Concurrently, revelations about ‘modern slavery’ in Thailand's fishing industry had received international attention, through media and NGOs, exposing slavery-like practices among migrant fishworkers. Conventionally, the EU IUU policy addresses only issues of catch and environmental sustainability. This paper explores how an initial bilateral dialogue was bifurcated into two dialogues: a Fishery Dialogue and a Labour Dialogue. Drawing on semi-structured interviews with involved actors, expert opinions, field-visits and secondary documents, we ask: How were labour issues integrated into the bilateral dialogue, and what consequences emerged from the IUU policy for Thai fisheries management? Tracing the bilateral dialogue between EU and Thai governments, we argue that Thailand's fisheries reform was a result of both fisheries’ sustainability concerns and the kind of labour rights valued by the EU. Our Normative Power Europe approach shows how norms of labour rights shaped the reform through policies and implementation. We maintain that this unique case-study reveals how the EU incorporates a broad-based normative approach that goes beyond catch sustainability.
|
|
| 2. |
-
Coloniality and Decolonisation in the Nordic region
- 2023
-
Editorial collection (other academic/artistic)abstract
- This book advances critical discussions about what coloniality, decoloniality and decolonization mean and imply in the Nordic region. It brings together analysis of complex realities from the perspectives of the Nordic peoples, a region that are often overlooked in current research, and explores the processes of decolonization that are taking place in this region. The book offers a variety of perspectives that engage with issues such as Islamic feminism and the progressive left; racialization and agency among Muslim youths; indigenizing distance language education for Sami; extractivism and resistance among the Sami; the Nordic international development endeavour through education; Swedish TV-reporting on Venezuela; creolizing subjectivities across Roma and non-Roma worlds and hierarchies; and the whitewashing and sanitization of decoloniality in the Nordic region. As such, this book extends much of the productive dialogue that has recently occurred internationally in decolonial thinking but also in the areas of critical race theory, whiteness studies, and postcolonial studies to concrete and critical problems in the Nordic region. This should make the book of considerable interest to scholars of history of ideas, anthropology, sociology, cultural studies, postcolonial studies, international development studies, legal sociology and (intercultural) philosophy with an interest in coloniality and decolonial social change.
|
|
| 3. |
|
|
| 4. |
- Schierup, Carl-Ulrik, 1948-, et al.
(author)
-
A countermovement of the precariat : Migration, labour, and the enigma of humanrights
- 2024. - 1
-
In: Handbook on Migration andDevelopment. - : Edward Elgar Publishing. - 978 1 78990 712 4 - 978 1 78990 713 1 ; , s. 1-463
-
Book chapter (peer-reviewed)abstract
- The chapter discusses shifting trends in global migration and the precarization oflabour on the background of processes of commodification and recommodification, against a theory of a neoliberal ‘regulatory state’. It explores aspects of the other side of thi sproblem in terms of perspectives for, to paraphrase Polanyi (2001 [1944]), a countermovementof, for, or with the migrant precariat. Reviewing processes leading up to the confirmation of the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration (GCM 2018 ) and the subsequent UN International Migration Review Forum, the authors ask what space there is for migrant rights movements in the global governance of migration and discuss the handling of the discursive emblemof ‘human rights’ in the context.
|
|
| 5. |
-
Problems of Post-Communism: The Dis/Articulation of Anti-Gender Politics in Eastern Europe
- 2023
-
In: Problems of Post-Communism. - : Informa UK Limited. - 1075-8216 .- 1557-783X. ; 70:2
-
Other publication (peer-reviewed)abstract
- This special issue examines anti-gender politics in the specific geographical and cultural space of Eastern Europe. It investigates whether the region is just another battlefield for anti-gender politics, or a unique setting for specific developments and strategies, looking at the impact and the legacy of specific historical experiences, sociological and cultural characteristics. The contributions map out these complex developments, examining Czechia, Georgia, Hungary, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, the Russian Federation, Slovakia, and Ukraine. In this manner, this special issue attempts both to unravel taken-for-granted and all-encompassing conceptual frameworks concerning anti-gender politics, and to articulate a more nuanced picture of these mobilizations.
|
|
| 6. |
|
|
| 7. |
- Eriksson Baaz, Maria, 1971, et al.
(author)
-
Conflict Related Sexual Violence against Men
- 2023
-
In: Gender and Violence against Political Actors Edited by Elin Bjarnegård and Pär Zetterberg. - Philadelphia : Temple University Press. - 9781439923306
-
Book chapter (peer-reviewed)
|
|
| 8. |
- Gray, Harriet, 1983, et al.
(author)
-
Torture and sexual violence in war and conflict: The unmaking and remaking of subjects of violence
- 2020
-
In: Review of International Studies. - 0260-2105. ; 46:2, s. 197-216
-
Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Despite the wide repository of knowledge about conflict-related sexual violence that now exists, there remains a lack of understanding about how victims/survivors of such violence themselves make sense of and frame their experiences in conversation with global and local discourses and with the categorisations that underpin support programmes. Such sense-making is important not only because the ways in which violence is categorised shape a victim/survivor's ability to access particular forms of recognition and support, but also because it is central in how shattered selves and worlds are remade in the aftermath of violence. Drawing on individual and group interviews conducted with refugees living in Kampala, Uganda, this article charts how framings of ‘torture’ and ‘sexual violence’ become meaningful in participants’ accounts in the (re)formation of themselves as subjects after violent victimisation. We trace how participants navigate the heteronormative societal and legal norms that shape their subjectivity and the effects of the violence they experienced through the deeply gendered and political work that these terms do in their narratives. Our analysis thus highlights and reminds us to pay attention to the political stakes involved in fluid processes of categorising injury.
|
|
| 9. |
|
|
| 10. |
- Kao, Kristen, et al.
(author)
-
Female Electability in the Arab World: The Advantages of Intersectionality
- 2021
-
In: Comparative politics. - 0010-4159. ; 53:3, s. 427-464
-
Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Many studies of women’s electability in the developing world focus on single traits such as gender, ethnicity, or religion. Employing an original survey experiment in Jordan, we examine the impacts of multiple, intersecting candidate identities on voter preferences. We show empirically that existing theories of electoral behavior alone cannot account for women’s electability. An intersectional lens that considers how power structures shape electability and produce complex effects that must be empirically verified in different contexts is needed. Although less electable overall, female candidates fare as well as males from similar social identity groups. Our findings underscore the need to apply intersectionality to theories of electoral behavior in the developing world and lay the groundwork for a larger research agenda explaining women’s electability in Arab elections.
|
|
| 11. |
|
|
| 12. |
|
|
| 13. |
- Wackenhut, Arne, et al.
(author)
-
Engaging the next generation: authoritarian regimes and their young diaspora
- 2023
-
In: European Political Science. - : Springer Science and Business Media LLC. - 1680-4333 .- 1682-0983. ; 22
-
Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Recent scholarship on diaspora engagement and transnational repression has investigated how authoritarian regimes seek to engage, govern and control their diasporas. Recognizing that diasporas are diverse and that homeland states thus devise different strategies in relation to different groups, this research has—to a large extent—focused on the varied positions held by regime supporters and dissidents. Inter-generational differences, however, have not been studied in this context. Drawing on established frameworks theorizing extraterritorial authoritarian practices, this article explores the ways in which second-generation diaspora—or diaspora youth—is either included as subjects, patriots and clients, or excluded as outlaws and traitors by authoritarian regimes. Drawing on the literature on transnationalism and second-generation migrants, and using examples from empirical cases, we argue that the skills, resources and multi-sited embeddedness of the second-generation diaspora can make them particularly interesting targets for transnational engagement—or repression. We draw attention to specific strategies for mobilizing the support of diaspora youth, but also note that some techniques to control or repress extraterritorial subjects are less efficacious in relation to this generation.
|
|
| 14. |
-
Contending Global Apartheid : Transversal Solidarities and Politics of Possibility
- 2023
-
Editorial collection (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Contending Global Apartheid: Transversal Solidarities and Politics of Possibility spells out a plea for utopia in a crisis-ridden 21st century of unequal development, exclusionary citizenship, and forced migrations. The volume offers a collection of critical essays on human rights movements, sanctuary spaces, and the emplacement of antiracist conviviality in cities across North and South America, Europe, and Africa. Each intervention proceeds from the idea that cities may accommodate both a humanistic sensibility and a radical potential for social transformation. The figure of the 'migrant' is pivotal. It expounds the prospect of transversal solidarity to capture a plurality of commonalities and to abjure dichotomies between in-group and out-group, the national and the international, or society and institutions.
|
|
| 15. |
|
|
| 16. |
|
|
| 17. |
- Doyle, Lindsey, et al.
(author)
-
Talks before the talks : Effects of pre-negotiation on reaching peace agreements in intrastate armed conflicts, 2005-15
- 2021
-
In: Journal of Peace Research. - : Sage Publications. - 0022-3433 .- 1460-3578. ; 58:2, s. 231-247
-
Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Pre-negotiation is widely accepted as a means to convince intrastate conflict parties to negotiate formally; however, research has not yet established a causal link between early efforts to bring warring parties together and the outcome of any negotiated settlement. This gap begs the question: To what extent do activities during the pre-negotiation phase contribute to the signing of a peace agreement? Theory on interstate conflict suggests that pre-negotiation reduces risk, thereby convincing conflict parties that they have more to gain from negotiating than from fighting. However, in conflicts between governments and non-state armed actors, this article argues that reciprocity paves the way for reaching peace agreements. This article introduces a new dataset on pre-negotiation including nearly all intrastate armed conflicts between 2005 and 2015. Confirming previous findings, mediation is significantly and positively correlated with reaching a type of peace agreement; conflicts over government are more likely to end in a negotiated agreement than conflicts over territory or both government and territory. In contrast to existing qualitative research, this study finds little evidence that pre-negotiation increases the likelihood that conflict dyads sign peace agreements. Future quantitative research on this topic requires more nuanced measures of the conditions under which conflict parties shift from unilateral to joint decisionmaking.
|
|
| 18. |
- Kao, Kristen, et al.
(author)
-
Retribution or Reconciliation? Post-Conflict Attitudes Toward Enemy Collaborators
- 2021
-
In: SSRN Electronic Journal. - : Elsevier BV. - 1556-5068.
-
Other publication (other academic/artistic)abstract
- Armed groups that seek to govern territory require the cooperation of many civilians, who are then widely perceived as enemy collaborators after conflict ends. The empirical literature on attitudes toward transitional justice focuses heavily on fighters, overlooking more nuanced understandings of proportional justice for civilian collaborators. Through a survey experiment conducted in an Iraqi city that was controlled by the Islamic State, we find that the type of collaboration an actor engages in is a strong determinant of preferences for punishment and forgiveness. While direct exposure to violence is associated with a greater desire for revenge, we argue that perceived volition behind an act is more important. Our research provides unique empirical data on the microfoundations of enemy collaborator culpability, filling a gap in the study of conflict. Our findings have important implications for policymakers seeking to balance accountability and the need for reconciliation in post-war settings.
|
|
| 19. |
- Kao, Kristen, et al.
(author)
-
Retribution or Reconciliation? Post-Conflict Attitudes Toward Enemy Collaborators
- 2023
-
In: American Journal of Political Science. - : Wiley. - 0092-5853 .- 1540-5907. ; 67:2
-
Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Armed groups seeking to govern territory require the cooperation of many civilians, who are widely perceived as enemy collaborators after conflict ends. The empirical literature on attitudes toward transitional justice focuses heavily on fighters, overlooking more nuanced understandings of proportional justice for civilian collaborators. Through a survey experiment conducted in an Iraqi city which was controlled by the Islamic State, we find that variation in the type of collaboration an actor engages in strongly determines preferences for punishment and forgiveness. While exposure to violence is associated with a greater desire for revenge, perceived volition behind an act - a relatively unstudied factor - is much more important. This research provides unique empirical data on the microfoundations of enemy collaborator culpability. By widening our analytical lens to consider a more realistically broad spectrum of enemy collaboration, we avoid affirming a false dichotomy between victims and perpetrators that is commonly adopted in post-war settings.
|
|
| 20. |
- Krzyzanowski, Michal, 1977-, et al.
(author)
-
Discourses and practices of the ‘New Normal’ Towards an interdisciplinary research agenda on crisis and the normalization of anti- and post‑democratic action
- 2023
-
In: Journal of Language and Politics. - Amsterdam : John Benjamins Publishing Company. - 1569-2159 .- 1569-9862. ; 22:4, s. 415-437
-
Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- This position paper argues for an interdisciplinary agenda relating crises to on-going processes of normalization of anti- and post-democratic action. We call for exploring theoretically and empirically the ‘new normal’ logic introduced into public imagination on the back of various crises, including the recent ‘Refugee Crisis’ in Europe, COVID-19 pandemic, or the still ongoing Russian invasion of Ukraine. Gathering researchers of populism, extremism, discrimination, and other formats of anti- and post-democratic action, we propose investigating how, why, and under which conditions, discourses and practices underlying normalization processes re-emerge to challenge the liberal democratic order. We argue exploring the multiple variants of ‘the new normal’ related to crises, historically and more recently. We are interested in how and why these open pathways for politics of exclusion, inequality, xenophobia and other patterns of anti- and post-democratic action while deepening polarization and radicalization of society as well as propelling far-right politics and ideologies.
|
|
| 21. |
- Lane, Ruth, et al.
(author)
-
Responsibility and innovation for low waste and circular economy transitions: what roles for households?
- 2023
-
In: Critical Policy Studies RCPS.
-
Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- The need for waste policy to embrace CE principles through measures to avoid waste generation and improve recycling rates can be understood within the broader context of sustainability transitions. We analyze three Australian waste policies to understand how households are framed as framing policy actors. Using a governance rationalities framework inspired by Hajer (2005) and Dryzek’s (2013) work on environmental governance, we identified four discursive structures, i.e. four different problem frames with suggested solutions, measures and responsibilities. These problem frames reveal an expanding role for government and industry in waste management, alongside a more passive role for households. While anticipating that households will undertake more sorting and will reduce the amount of waste they generate, the policies lack a coherent conceptualization of the role of households as actors in circular economy transitions in Australia. Our analysis highlights and helps to understand the discrepancy between high-level CE and zero-waste policy ambitions and their implementation in practice. We conclude with suggestions on how waste policy could benefit from deliberative approaches that engage with agency for social innovation and transformation in norms and practices at the household scale.
|
|
| 22. |
- Lundgren, Magnus, 1976, et al.
(author)
-
The surprising decline of international mediation in armed conflicts
- 2020
-
In: Research & Politics. - : SAGE Publications. - 2053-1680 .- 2053-1680. ; 7:2, s. 1-7
-
Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- We identify and investigate a fundamental puzzle in contemporary mediation of armed conflicts. Although the preparedness of international mediators has increased, the proportion of armed conflicts that receive mediation has not increased, but decreased. Using quantitative data on the occurrence of mediation between 1989 and 2013, our analysis suggests that this puzzling contradiction cannot be explained by conflicts being more fragmented, intractable or internationalized. Instead, we argue that the puzzling decline of mediation can be explained by a mismatch between supply and demand in the international mediation ‘market’. Although there are more mediators available, the rise in the number of conflicts involving Islamist armed actors, coupled with increased reliance on terror-listing, especially since 2001, has placed a growing number of conflicts beyond the reach of international mediators. Our findings challenge the conventional belief that the post-Cold War era is characterized by high mediation rates and point to the need to develop the practice of mediation to maintain its relevance in the contemporary conflict landscape.
|
|
| 23. |
-
Regntunga skyar
- 2020
-
Editorial collection (other academic/artistic)abstract
- Dystra prognoser från 2010-talets sista nationella SOM-undersökning. Fler än någonsin ansåg att Sverige var på väg åt fel håll, oron tilltog och brottslighet klättrade på dagordningen. Samtidigt duggade rapporter om oåterkalleliga hot mot klimatet tätt. Hur påverkas vårt vardagsliv, vår hälsa och vår politik av dessa mörka moln? Regntunga skyar innehåller trettio kapitel forskaranalyser, sprungna ur resultaten från 2019 års nationella SOM-undersökning. Analyserna visar hur opinion och vanor och utvecklats och förändrats på en uppsjö av olika områden, samt inte minst vad vi som samhälle tog med oss in i det än så länge turbulenta 2020-talet.
|
|
| 24. |
- Themnér, Anders, Docent, 1976-, et al.
(author)
-
Building a Safety Net : Explaining the Strength of Ex-Military Networks
- 2020
-
In: Security Studies. - : Informa UK Limited. - 0963-6412 .- 1556-1852. ; 29:2, s. 268-300
-
Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- The disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration of excombatants has become an integral part of peacebuilding. Although the main purpose of such interventions is to dissolve the military structures of armed groups, there is growing evidence that ex-combatant networks often remain intact. We investigate why such structures continue to thrive. We argue that ex-military networks are stronger when ex-commanders have weak links to elite patronage systems. Ex-combatants who are unable to rely on their former superiors for economic assistance must instead build denser ties to each other to gain access to a social safety net. To assess our argument, we conduct a comparative social network analysis (SNA) of two ex-military networks in Liberia. This innovative approach helps us uncover previously overlooked, but central, dynamics related to ex-combatant groups. We thereby show that SNA provides a range of underutilized tools and exact definitions that can increase our understanding of ex-military networks.
|
|
| 25. |
- Versteegen, Luca, 1994
(author)
-
The excluded ordinary? A theory of populist radical right supporters' position in society
- 2023
-
In: European Journal of Social Psychology. - 0046-2772. ; 53:7, s. 1327-1341
-
Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Populist Radical Right (PRR) supporters see themselves as ordinary people, represent a broad societal spectrum, and overrepresent historically powerful majorities (e.g., whites, men). Simultaneously, members of these groups increasingly feel neglected or discriminated against. In article, I argue that some PRR supporters may feel excluded from society despite seeing themselves as ordinary people. Optimal Distinctiveness Theory posits that individuals must balance their countervailing needs to belong to the larger group while feeling recognized as unique subgroup members. While PRR supporters' self-perception as ordinary people suggests that they experience belonging to the larger society, subjective experiences of neglect and disrespect may leave their uniqueness need unsatisfied. I showcase this argument using semi-structured interviews with German PRR supporters. I discuss avenues for future quantitative tests and raise a significant implication: if subjective lack of subgroup uniqueness contributes to PRR support, reminding majority members of their objective subgroup recognition could mitigate it.
|
|
| 26. |
- Hellström, Anders, et al.
(author)
-
Nostalgia and Hope : Narrative Master Frames Across Contemporary Europe
- 2020
-
In: Nostalgia and Hope: Intersections between Politics of Culture, Welfare, and Migration in Europe. - Cham : Springer International Publishing. - 2364-4095 .- 2364-4087. - 9783030416942 - 9783030416935 ; , s. 1-16
-
Book chapter (peer-reviewed)abstract
- After the fall of the Berlin wall and the end of the Cold War, a certain sense of optimism swept across Europe. Some 25 years later, everything seems radically different. With the considerable inroads made into mainstream politics by right-wing populist parties across the continent, there is no shortage of gloom and worry. Nevertheless, despite numerous examples of retrogressive forms of mobilization, there are also many cases of progressive mobilization. To capture this dynamic complexity, we posit politics as a site of struggle that constitutes an arena for the conflicting demands of the two master frames of nostalgia and hope. Following this logic of a polarized political terrain, the volume is divided into three parts that address both right-wing populist politics across Europe (Part I) and politics beyond party politics through either retrogressive mobilization (Part II) or emancipatory initiatives (Part III).
|
|
| 27. |
-
Nostalgia and Hope: Intersections between Politics of Culture, Welfare, and Migration in Europe
- 2020
-
Editorial collection (peer-reviewed)abstract
- This open access book shows how the politics of migration affect community building in the 21st century, drawing on both retrogressive and progressive forms of mobilization. It elaborates theoretically and shows empirically how the two master frames of nostalgia and hope are used in local, national and transnational settings, in and outside conventional forms of doing politics. It expands on polarized societal processes and external events relevant for the transformation of European welfare systems and the reproduction of national identities today. It evidences the importance of gender in the narrative use of the master frames of nostalgia and hope, either as an ideological tool for right-wing populist and extreme right retrogressive mobilization or as an essential element of progressive intersectional politics of hope. It uses both comparative and single case studies to address different perspectives, and by means of various methodological approaches, the manner in which the master frames of nostalgia and hope are articulated in the politics of culture, welfare, and migration. The book is organized around three thematic sections whereby the first section deals with right-wing populist party politics across Europe, the second section deals with an articulation of politics beyond party politics by means of retrogressive mobilization, and the third and last section deals with emancipatory initiatives beyond party politics as well.
|
|
| 28. |
- Lazoroska, Daniela, et al.
(author)
-
Perceptions of participation and the role of gender for the engagement in solar energy communities in Sweden
- 2021
-
In: Energy, Sustainability and Society. - : Springer Science and Business Media LLC. - 2192-0567. ; 11:1
-
Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Energy communities are emphasized by the EU as important for developing sustainable energy systems that include and engage many people. While many renewables are highly compatible with a more decentralized energy system, research indicates that participation in 'desirable' energy activities and energy decision-making is influenced by social and economic factors, including gender, economic status and home ownership. The overall aim of this article is to contribute to this line of inquiry by exploring how and under which conditions energy communities allow for broader participation in the energy system. This article examines how gender, as a more specific condition, influences the extent to which parties can or cannot engage with collective solar ownership models by means of a qualitative study of 11 solar energy communities and one housing association in Sweden.Results: The study revealed that despite the relative potential for inclusion that they hold, energy communities can raise justice concerns in terms of inequities concerning access, capacity, and opportunity to engage in decision-making.Conclusions: While solely focusing on gender offers a limited view of the dynamics of inclusion and exclusion in renewable energy projects, it is our position that integrating it into the analysis will provide insights into possible measures to remedy limitations and accelerate the renewable energy transition.
|
|
| 29. |
|
|
| 30. |
- Philipson Isaac, Sarah, 1990
(author)
-
Temporal Dispossession: The Politics of Asylum and the Remaking of Racial Capitalism in and Beyond the Borders of the Swedish Welfare State
- 2024
-
Doctoral thesis (other academic/artistic)abstract
- This thesis sets out from the post-2015 Swedish asylum legislation, which made Sweden’s asylum policy among the most restrictive in the EU. The most decisive changes were the shift from permanent to temporary residence permits as the standard protection provided, along with the increasingly blurred lines between migration regimes and labour market policies. With temporary residence permits as the new norm, time and labour market productivity are central to the distribution of vulnerability and life chances, as labour market participation functions as the only means of qualifying for permanent residence. The policy shift can be seen as an institutionalization of temporality and deportability, as it carries the inherent risk of deportation if residence permits are not reissued upon renewal. Against this background, this thesis draws on temporal enactments of dispossession and racial capitalism as a theoretical framework to analyse how the control of time results in different forms of dispossession – a feature that is closely tied to the selection logics of late racial capitalism, namely: differentiation, devaluation, and competition. Although dispossession has been conceptualized as a mechanism of authoritative control over the spatial, emotional, and relational aspects of (neo)colonized subjects’ lives, research often fails to recognize the significance of time and temporality in understanding this process. Here, I seek to bridge this gap. Furthermore, where migration studies have been critiqued for perpetuating methodological nationalism, temporal dispossession foregrounds time as central to the distribution of rights to make visible how the control of time is an experience shared across multiple positions – citizens and non-citizens alike. While this directs our attention to the continuum of temporal control, those positioned as migrants are often experiencing the most acute effects of the temporal restrictions that affect access to rights. The thesis builds on four years of ethnographical engagements with interlocutors who sought asylum between 2015 and 2017, and interviews with street-level bureaucrats, from the Swedish Migration Agency, NGOs, asylum lawyers, to the Swedish Public Employment Service. Consequently, engaging with the interlocutors’ experiences through the theoretical lens of temporal dispossession is a means of centring time not only within the workings of racial capitalism, but also on how border regimes work to sustain racial capitalism and how labour market exploitation is exacerbated by the legal liminality the interlocutors inhabit. Chapter 5, on temporal dispossession through migration bureaucracy, examines the temporal dimensions of the Migration Agency’s New Public Management (NPM) procedures as they assess asylum applications. It traces the enforced deceleration, interrupted by pockets of acceleration, that obscures the interlocutors from frames of intelligibility in the asylum process. Here, temporal dispossession consists of preventing those seeking asylum from making progress in their cases, using temporal means of discarding their need for protection and relegating them to a different pace of time as compared to the surrounding society, effectively positioning them as untrustworthy and thus as undeserving asylum subjects. Chapter 6 investigates ‘islands of dispossession’ where time and space merge in the analysis of the body as the most intimate scale of such islands, asylum camps and make-shift camps as the national scale, and enforcement archipelagos as the global scale. Together, these tease out the role of temporal dispossession in carceral geographies and the role of border regimes in sustaining racial capitalism. The chapter also engages with how interlocutors redefine and resist the spaces of the camp through community formations. The final analytical chapter on the workings of temporal dispossession in the labour market (Chapter 7) examines the productivity of time in the production of surplus, cheap, and disposable labour forces, where labour market participation constitutes the only means of securing permanent protection. This is examined through the interlocutors’ experiences navigating the informal labour market, ‘fast track’ labour market programmes, and their attempts to ‘switch’ tracks from asylum to labour market migration to secure their futures and reduce the pervasive threat of deportability. Taken together, the thesis seeks to contribute to research on how dispossession operates in and through the border regime, specifically through its temporal configurations, and how the latter is weaponised to dispossess people of their life chances. The thesis further seeks to contribute to research on the political economy of borders in the Nordic context by examining the operation of racial capitalism through the welfare state, where labour market exploitation is exacerbated by the precarity produced through its migration bureaucracies.
|
|
| 31. |
-
DIY urbanism in Africa : politics and practice
- 2024
-
Editorial collection (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Protracted economic crises, accelerating inequalities, and increased resource scarcity present significant challenges for the majority of Africa's urban population. Limited state capacity and widespread infrastructure deficiencies common in cities across the continent often require residents to draw on their own resources, knowledge, and expertise to resolve these life and livelihood dilemmas.DIY Urbanism in Africa investigates these practices. It develops a theoretical framework through which to analyze them, and it presents a series of case studies to demonstrate how residents invent new DIY tactics and strategies in response to security, place-making, or economic problems.This book offers a timely critical intervention into literatures on urban development and politics in Africa. It is valuable to students, policymakers, and urban practitioners keen to understand the mechanisms and political implications of widespread dynamics now shaping Africa's expanding urban environments.
|
|
| 32. |
- Falk, Petter
(author)
-
Towards a Public Sector Data Culture : Data as an Individual and Communal Resource in Progressing Democracy
- 2021
-
In: SpringerBriefs in Applied Sciences and Technology. - Cham : Springer Science+Business Media B.V.. ; , s. 35-45, s. 35-45
-
Book chapter (peer-reviewed)abstract
- An increased use of data has swept through many policy areas and shaped procedural and substantive policy instruments. Hence, citizens and governments, as both producers and consumers of data, become intertwined in even more complex ways. But the inherent logic of data-driven services and systems sometimes challenges the prerequisites and ideals of liberal democracy. Though a democratically sound data-practice and data-culture is crucial for ensuring a democratic usage of citizens data, discourse tends to overlook these aspects. Drawing on insights from the project Democracy Data, this chapter explores the opportunities and obstacles for establishing democratically oriented public sector data cultures.
|
|
| 33. |
- Marr, Stephen, 1976-, et al.
(author)
-
Conclusion : DIY Urbanism as Politics of Interruption
- 2024
-
In: DIY Urbanism in Africa. - London, UK : Bloomsbury Academic. - 9781786999016 - 9781786999023 - 9781786999030 - 9781786999061 - 9781350237537
-
Book chapter (other academic/artistic)
|
|
| 34. |
|
|
| 35. |
- Meier, Vanessa, et al.
(author)
-
External support in armed conflicts: Introducing the UCDP external support dataset (ESD), 1975–2017
- 2023
-
In: Journal of Peace Research. - : SAGE Publications. - 0022-3433 .- 1460-3578. ; 60:3, s. 545-554
-
Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- In this article, we present the most up-to-date, fine-grained, global dataset on external support in armed conflicts: theUCDP External Support Dataset (ESD). The dataset encompasses data on states and non-state actors as bothsupporters and recipients and provides detailed information on the type of support provided to warring parties inarmed conflicts between 1975 and 2017. We use it to highlight three broader trends in the provision of externalsupport: (1) a dramatic increase in the number of external supporters, (2) a larger share of pro-government interventions, and (3) the rise of direct military intervention as the predominant mode of external support. In conclusion,we identify several avenues worthy of future inquiry that could significantly improve our understanding of externalsupport in armed conflicts.
|
|
| 36. |
- Stern, Maria, 1966, et al.
(author)
-
The Aspirational Promise of Soldiering: An Analysis of Military Recruitment Testimonials
- 2023
-
In: Critical Military Studies. - 2333-7486 .- 2333-7494.
-
Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Young people across the globe willingly join the military, knowing that they may be required to kill, maim, and perhaps even die. Considering the starkness of this barebone condition, armed forces strive to make enlisting desirable through recruitment campaigns. While the appeal of military aspirational promises – particularly the promise of manhood – figure centrally in much critical scholarship, the detailed components of these pledges warrant closer scrutiny. This article therefore explores the aspirational promises pledged in military recruitment campaigns from the US Army and the Swedish Armed Forces. Based on a narrative analysis of video testimonials in which ‘real’ soldiers tell their enlistment stories, we lay bare the overarching story grammar made up of distinct plot points (lack, hardship, agency and growth) that comprise the aspirational promises in these campaigns. In tracing these plot points in two distinct sites, the article offers well-needed insight into how the appeal of contemporary soldiering is being constructed and how this appeal attempts to govern potential soldiers. Despite their differences, the campaigns present soldiering as a or the way to regulate and govern the self in relation to norms about what constitutes a successful, self-fulfilled or complete citizen-subject. The aspirational figures in the testimonials promise that one can redress one’s deficiencies and transcend the racialized, gendered, and classed, etc. limits one confronts in oneself and in civilian life. These soldier stories, despite their hyperreal climaxes and journeys, appear to be real and lived and theirs. Vitally, they could also be ours.
|
|
| 37. |
- Singleton, Benedict, 1983, et al.
(author)
-
Intersectionality and climate policy-making: The inclusion of social difference by three Swedish government agencies
- 2022
-
In: Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space. - : SAGE Publications. - 2399-6544 .- 2399-6552. ; 40:1, s. 180-200
-
Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Climate change effects, views and approaches vary based on geographical location, class, gender, age and other climate related social factors. It is thus relevant to explore how various government bodies/authorities involved in dealing with climate change represent and act on social difference across diverse societies. This article performs a discourse analysis of climate policy documents from three Swedish government agencies: the Transport Administration, the Energy Agency, and the Environmental Protection Agency. This in order to explore how the different agencies represent social difference: what is made visible; what is obscured; what are the implications? We collected a purposive, collated sample of literature through online searches and personal communications with agency staff. We apply an intersectional approach to the sampled literature. The article finds that while each agency articulates an awareness of social difference, this tends to manifest in broad terms. It argues that this has the effect of obscuring differential climate impacts and effects of climate action, with potential environmental justice implications. Finally, the article concludes by proposing that incorporating intersectional approaches will support more effective, inclusive and equitable climate action, in Sweden and elsewhere.
|
|
| 38. |
- Jonsson, Stefan, 1961-, et al.
(author)
-
Eurafrika : Die Geschichte der europäischen Integration als "Entkolonialisierungskompromiss"
- 2020
-
In: ARCH. - Berlin : ARCH+ Zeitschrift für Architektur und Urbanismus. - 0587-3452. ; 53, s. 16-23
-
Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Die Europäische Wirtschaftsgemeinschaft (EWG), die Vorläufer organisation der Europäischen Union, wurde im selben Jahr gegründet, in dem Ghana seine Unabhängigkeit verkündete – als erster zuvor kolonisierter Staat in Afrika südlich der Sahara. Beide Ereignisse fanden sogar im selben Monat statt, im März 1957. In der offiziellen und halboffiziellen Geschichte der EU werden sie gerne in Zusammenhang gebracht. Gemäß der gängigen Erzählung waren beide Ereignisse Manifestationen der neuen Weltordnung, wie sie sich in den Jahrzehnten nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg entwickelte: Dem zufolge hätten die westeuropäischen Staaten ihre Ansprüche auf imperiale Dominanz aus freien Stücken begraben. Sie hätten nach innerkontinentaler Kooperation gesucht und ihre nationalen Rivalitäten beigelegt, welche in zwei Weltkriege gemündet waren, um ihre nach dem Krieg am Boden liegenden Gesellschaften und Volkswirtschaften wieder aufzubauen. Dazu hätten sie ihre nationalen Ressourcen miteinander koordiniert und die Mobilität von Waren, Geld und Arbeit innerhalb der Gemeinschaft gesteigert.
|
|
| 39. |
- Önnerfors, Andreas, 1971
(author)
-
‘Retrotopia’ as a Retrogressive Force in the German PEGIDA-movement
- 2020
-
In: Nostalgia and Hope: Intersections between Politics of Culture, Welfare, and Migration in Europe / Ov Cristian Norocel, Anders Hellström, Martin Bak Jørgensen (eds.). - Cham : Springer. - 2364-4087 .- 2364-4095. - 9783030416935 ; , s. 135-149
-
Book chapter (peer-reviewed)abstract
- What is the momentum of “retrotopia”, utopian longing for the past in political mobilization? In how far are sentiments of nostalgia and melancholia at play as drivers for political changes and retrogressive mobilization? The rise and success of PEGIDA in Germany 2014 as a civil society organization of the “European New Right” (ENR) raises several questions that are addressed in this chapter. Starting with a theoretical discussion of the terms “retrotopia” (Bauman 2017) and “post-welfare melancholia” (Pallas 2011) I propose an interpretative framework with the potential to inform studies at the crossroads of cultural nationalism, redistributive justice, and migration. Subsequently, the organizational development of PEGIDA and its ideological fuzziness are discussed followed by two examples in which its performative style infused with cultural positions are highlighted: the PEGIDA-“hymn” and its lyrics and the official PEGIDA-reaction upon Muslim protests against the decision in late 2017 to move the US embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. In a final section, I address the normative conflict between civil society agency as beneficial for democratization as opposed to the rise of “uncivil” society representing “unwanted” values from a superior vantage point of observation. What is only briefly touched upon is the almost simultaneous rise of the AfD as the largest German opposition party, entering the Bundestag in autumn 2017 and receiving massive electoral support in several state elections in 2019.
|
|
| 40. |
- Andersson, Ulrika, 1977, et al.
(author)
-
Stabilt stöd för EU under pandemin, men osäkerhet kring riktningen. Europapolitisk analys
- 2021
-
Reports (other academic/artistic)abstract
- En viss nedgång i svenskarnas stöd för EU går att spåra i opinionen under pandemin. Färre är för medlemskapet, något fler är för att lämna unionen och den allmänna inställningen till EU är aningen mer negativ. Opinionen ligger visserligen kvar på nivåer som är historiskt höga, men det är tydligt att de senaste årens ökande stöd nu har avstannat och till och med sjunker något. Det finns även en fortsatt stark opinion bland svenskarna emot att utöka den makt och de befogenheter EU har. Ett stort motstånd finns mot såväl att införa euro i Sverige som att unionen ska ha en gemensam finanspolitik och en EU-armé. Trots detta anser svenskarna att EU-medlemskapet har haft positiva effekter inom militär säkerhet, miljö, sysselsättning, ekonomi, jämställdhet och jordbruk. Enbart i frågan om invandring anses det att EU har haft en negativ påverkan, men under de senaste åren syns också en tillbakagång i åsikten om medlemskapets positiva påverkan på brottsbekämpningen. Svenskarna vill trots allt att EU ska kunna stå starkt mot USA i världspolitiken, en paradox sett till det stora motstånd som finns mot att ge unionen mer befogenheter. Det återstår att se hur detta läge utvecklas när EU agerar för allt fler befogenheter och svenskarna mer aktivt måste ta ställning till frågor om utökad integration.
|
|
| 41. |
- Björling, Nils, 1979, et al.
(author)
-
Politics of the rurban void
- 2023
-
In: Space and Polity. - : Routledge. - 1470-1235 .- 1356-2576. ; In Press
-
Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- City-centric planning in Sweden has led to the dominance of stereotyped visions for both urban and rural areas within policy and planning practice. To challenge such a limited understanding, this study conceptualizes the rurban void. The aim of this article is to operationalize the rurban void as an analytical framework that extends beyond the urban and rural conceptual divide and can clarify how a neoliberal and city-centric planning practice in Sweden de-politicizes the urban and rural outside. The article discusses the potentials of a perspective that challenges urban privilege and opens up opportunities for the re-politicisation of spatial transformation.
|
|
| 42. |
- Lust, Ellen, 1966, et al.
(author)
-
Historical Legacies, Social Cleavages, and Support for Political Islam
- 2021
-
In: The Oxford Handbook of Politics in Muslim Societies. - Oxford : Oxford University Press. - 9780190931056
-
Book chapter (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Much has been written on political advantages conferred to Islamist parties. These advantages are often viewed as resulting from the parties’ organizational strength, their economic policies, or the expected material benefits they award. The role of religion in motivating Islamist support has been largely underplayed, and even less attention has been given to the various dimensions of Islam. This gap in the research remains conspicuous, as evidence from European, African, and American contexts point to a very real relationship between various facets of religion and electoral patterns. This chapter reviews how historical legacies and social conditions in Tunisia, Libya, and Egypt have shaped electoral behavior, including the ways in which organizational, economic, or religious factors are associated with Islamist support. Employing original survey data, it investigates the dominant explanations of electoral support as well as the influence of three religious factors—religious identity, practice, and preferences toward the role of Islam in the state. We find evidence in all three countries that citizens’ preferences for a role of religion in the state is strongly correlated with voting for Islamist parties. In Tunisia, religious practice was also significantly associated with support for Islamists. Religious identity was never significant in our cases, however. Attitudes toward party organization and toward service provision were associated with Islamist support in Tunisia and Libya, respectively. Importantly, religious factors were more consistently related to Islamist support than the organizational, economic, and material incentives that have been given so much attention elsewhere.
|
|
| 43. |
- Temel, Melis, et al.
(author)
-
Analysing the governance factors for sustainability in organisations and their inter-relations
- 2021
-
In: Frontiers in Sustainability. - : Frontiers. - 2673-4524. ; 2
-
Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Governance is instrumental to the implementing sustainability in organisations (civil society, companies, and public sector ones). Seven governance factors have been identified to achieve this: vision and mission, policies, reporting, communication, board of directors, department, and person in charge. However, their importance and interrelations are still under-researched. A survey was sent to 5,299 organisations, with 305 responses. The responses were analysed using descriptive statistics, rankings, comparison between organisation types, correlations, and centrality. The results provide the ranking of the factors, where vision and mission, person in charge, and reporting were highest ranked. The analysis also reveals that the seven factors are interrelated, albeit some more than others. The research provides a comparison of the rankings and interrelations between the organisation types. Each factor and its relation to other factors can contribute to better governance for sustainability, and better governance can contribute to a more holistic implementation of sustainability in organisations.
|
|
| 44. |
- Weissmann, Mikael, Docent, 1977-, et al.
(author)
-
Hybrid Threats and Hybrid Warfare : Time for a Comprehensive Approach?
- 2021
-
Other publication (other academic/artistic)abstract
- Hybrid warfare strategies blend conventional warfare, irregular warfare and cyber-attacks with other influencing methods, such as disinformation, diplomacy and foreign political inteference. There is a need for novel comprehensive approaches to counter them.
|
|
| 45. |
- Bauhr, Monika, 1973, et al.
(author)
-
Beyond Buildings: Social Bargaining and Effective Access to Public Services
- 2024
-
In: Public Organization Review. - 1566-7170. ; 24:1, s. 389-406
-
Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Physical access to public services frequently does not guarantee people’s needs will be met — what we term effective access. Such discrepancies result in part from social bargaining: the extent to which citizens can leverage connections with street-level service providers. Survey data from 34 African countries shows citizens with greater social bargaining capacity enjoy greater effective access, in contrast to citizens who pay bribes. Data from 70,000 households in Tanzania further demonstrates that parents with greater social bargaining capacity have more opportunities to interact with school officials — and that their children are more likely to achieve relevant learning outcomes
|
|
| 46. |
- Aggestam, Lisbeth, 1965, et al.
(author)
-
Sweden, NATO and the role of diasporas in foreign policy
- 2023
-
In: International Affairs. ; 99:6, s. 2367-2385
-
Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- When and how do diasporas influence the foreign policy of liberal democratic states? Few studies have sought to conceptualize how diasporas affect strategic bilateral relations between states. We argue that these non-state actors are an increasingly important factor in western liberal democratic societies, which challenge traditional theories of foreign policy. To explore when and how the transnational societal ties and interests of diaspora groups affect foreign and security relations between states, we develop a triadic analytical model of state–diaspora interactions and specify key contextual factors. To illustrate the dynamics at play, we analyse the influence of the Kurdish diaspora in Sweden on Turkish–Swedish bilateral relations in the wake of Sweden's decision to apply for full NATO membership. Our case-study builds on semi-structured interviews as well as news media sources, speeches and official documents. The study shows that the Kurdish diaspora demonstrates an independent role and an ability to shape the policy process due to the permeability of the political system. As a result, the policy-process is becoming more domesticated, thereby constraining the role of the executive. The article contributes important insights to policy-makers and diplomats on what impact transnational state–society relations can have on foreign policymaking.
|
|
| 47. |
- Bremberg, Niklas, 1978-, et al.
(author)
-
Global Responses to Climate Security : Discourses, Institutions and Actions
- 2022
-
In: Journal of Peacebuilding and Development. - : Sage Publications. - 1542-3166 .- 2165-7440. ; 17:3, s. 341-356
-
Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Research suggests that International Organizations (IOs) are getting more involved in efforts to mitigate and adapt to climate-related security risks in different parts of the world. However, there is still a limited understanding of how discourse and action on climate security develop and diffuse in and across different institutional settings in various policy fields and geographical contexts. This article aims to contribute to advancing the research agenda by outlining an analytical framework that helps structure comparison across IOs along three key dimensions: (a) discursive framing; (b) institutional design; and (c) policy actions. To illustrate how the framework can be used in empirical analyses the article discusses findings from previous research. This is not only relevant to highlight the framework’s analytical usefulness as it also shows the relevance of these research findings for practitioners and decision-makers engaged in efforts to enhance the role of IOs in global governance of climate security—and across the humanitarian-development-peacebuilding nexus.
|
|
| 48. |
- Feijoo, C., et al.
(author)
-
Harnessing artificial intelligence (AI) to increase wellbeing for all: The case for a new technology diplomacy
- 2020
-
In: Telecommunications Policy. - : Elsevier BV. - 0308-5961. ; 44:6
-
Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- The field of artificial intelligence (AI) is experiencing a period of intense progress due to the consolidation of several key technological enablers. AI is already deployed widely and has a high impact on work and daily life activities. The continuation of this process will likely contribute to deep economic and social changes. To realise the tremendous benefits of AI while mitigating undesirable effects will require enlightened responses by many stakeholders. Varying national institutional, economic, political, and cultural conditions will influence how AI will affect convenience, efficiency, personalisation, privacy protection, and surveillance of citizens. Many expect that the winners of the AI development race will dominate the coming decades economically and geopolitically, potentially exacerbating tensions between countries. Moreover, nations are under pressure to protect their citizens and their interests—and even their own political stability—in the face of possible malicious or biased uses of AI. On the one hand, these different stressors and emphases in AI development and deployment among nations risk a fragmentation between world regions that threatens technology evolution and collaboration. On the other hand, some level of differentiation will likely enrich the global AI ecosystem in ways that stimulate innovation and introduce competitive checks and balances through the decentralisation of AI development. International cooperation, typically orchestrated by intergovernmental and non-governmental organisations, private sector initiatives, and by academic researchers, has improved common welfare and avoided undesirable outcomes in other technology areas. Because AI will most likely have more fundamental effects on our lives than other recent technologies, stronger forms of cooperation that address broader policy and governance challenges in addition to regulatory and technological issues may be needed. At a time of great challenges among nations, international policy coordination remains a necessary instrument to tackle the ethical, cultural, economic, and political repercussions of AI. We propose to advance the emerging concept of technology diplomacy to facilitate the global alignment of AI policy and governance and create a vibrant AI innovation system. We argue that the prevention of malicious uses of AI and the enhancement of human welfare create strong common interests across jurisdictions that require sustained efforts to develop better, mutually beneficial approaches. We hope that new technology diplomacy will facilitate the dialogues necessary to help all interested parties develop a shared understanding and coordinate efforts to utilise AI for the benefit of humanity, a task whose difficulty should not be underestimated.
|
|
| 49. |
- Friedner Parrat, Charlotta, 1980-, et al.
(author)
-
The English School as a theory and a scholarly community
- 2020
-
In: Cambridge Review of International Affairs. - : Informa UK Limited. - 0955-7571 .- 1474-449X. ; 33:4, s. 483-486
-
Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- It is becoming customary to define the English School (ES) as a group of scholars participating in a common inquiry related to a few central concepts, notably that of international society. Although the roots of the ES are often attributed to the British Committee on the Theory of International Politics, it is now said to be more of an open society of impersonal ties rather than an exclusive community based on personal relations. But how true is that assertion? If the School is theoretically open to anyone, why are its members predominantly male, white and Western? In this piece, we discuss three obstacles that prevent the ES from becoming a more inclusive venture.
|
|
| 50. |
|
|
