Clause-final negative particles in varieties of Swedish. Distribution, grammatical properties, and possible etymologies

Rosenkvist, Henrik, 1965 (author): Gothenburg University,Göteborgs universitet,Institutionen för svenska språket,Department of Swedish

(creator_code:org_t)

2021-08-25
2021
English.
In: Studies in Language. - : John Benjamins Publishing Company. - 0378-4177 .- 0165-7763. ; 45:3, s. 598-620

Related links:: https://gup.ub.gu.se...; show more...; https://doi.org/10.1...; show less...

Abstract Subject headings

While the Swedish negator inte may be doubled in a final clause-external position, in both standard Swedish and dialects, many dialects also allow a final, clause-internal particle (e, i or ai) in negated clauses. FNPs occur in a coherent area around the Baltic Sea, and in contrast with doubling nega- tion, they are possible both after both inte and aldrig ‘never’. FNPs are also used in questions and exclamations, contexts that disallow doubling nega- tion. These particles may have developed from the former Swedish negator ej or from the common inte. An argument for the former alternative is that other dialectal phenomena that spread from central Sweden during the late Middle Ages have approximately the same geographic distribution. In the final section of the paper, some typological consequences and implications are discussed. Furthermore, it is argued that syntactic studies of non- standard varieties may reveal new insights of typological relevance.

About the subject

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