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- Anderlini, Michel, 1985-
(författare)
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Möjligheter och begränsningar för EU:s aktörskap i södra Kaukasus
- 2020
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Ingår i: Nordisk Østforum. - Oslo : Cappelen Damm Akademisk. - 0801-7220 .- 1891-1773. ; 34, s. 155-171
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Despite significant institutional changes and refinements since its creation in 2004, the ENP(European Neighborhood Policy) remains a major tool available to the EU for providing incentivesfor reform and stability in non-member states through the diffusion of its norms and rules.Earlier studies, drawing on the Europeanization conceptual framework, have been mostly concernedabout how and by which mechanisms compliance with EU rules takes place, rather thanfocusing on whether and to what extent it occurs. By contrast, this article assesses the actorness ofthe EU in three countries of the South Caucasus (Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan), viewingactorness as composed of three dimensions – capability, opportunity, and presence – enabling andconstraining the aspirations of the EU to be an international actor in the South Caucasus.
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| 3. |
- Andersson, Linus, 1979-
(författare)
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Medieförändring och samhällsförändring : Glasnost, massmedier och sociala rörelser
- 2009
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Ingår i: Nordisk Østforum. - Oslo : Universitetsforlaget. - 0801-7220 .- 1891-1773. ; 23:4, s. 355-371
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The article applies Piotr Sztompka’s theory of social becoming on a discussion of media change in the Baltic region. Concentrating on three recurrent categories in the literature on the transformation of the Baltic media landscape – glasnost, mass media and social movements – the article seeks to explore how these categories contributed to shaping the current media landscape. Sztompka’s model of social becoming is an attempt at developing a tool for studying social change without being historically deterministic and at the same time getting round the dichotomisation of structure and actor in social theory. Previously, the model has been applied on analyses of social movements and revolutions. In the article, it is attempted to extend the use to the study of mass media in the Baltic states. It is argued that media change in the Baltic states was an event that drew on external factors such as glasnost and public involvement in social movements, but that the impact of these external factors cannot be separated from each other or from developments inside the media system itself
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| 5. |
- Bedford, Sofie, 1975-
(författare)
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Nya rörelser, gamla tankesätt och nationella problem : Muslimsk aktivism i postsovjetiska Azerbajdzjan
- 2007
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Ingår i: Nordisk Østforum. - Oslo : Universitetsforlaget AS. - 0801-7220 .- 1891-1773. ; 21:3, s. 275-299
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Azerbaijan, like other former Soviet republics, experienced something of a religious “boom” during glasnost and the first post-independence years as religion re-emerged in public life. By the late 1990s, however, the state, feeling threatened by imported religious movements, introduced various laws that sharply decreased the autonomy that religious organizations had been enjoying. Certain Islamic communities that did not accept this renewed state monopoly on religion then gained a reputation of being “controversial” and found themselves in conflict with the secular and religious authorities. This situation made religion an issue in the political arena – something previously unheard of in Azerbaijan. This article examines this development by studying two Islamic communities of this type. These are affiliated with two mosques in Baku – the Shiite Juma and the Sunni Abu Bakr mosques – which are distinguished both by their increasing popularity in society and by their wish to distance themselves from “other” traditional mosques. The article concludes that even though various external influences are present, the development of Islamic activism in Azerbaijan seems related primarily to disappointment at how the political elite has handled the political, economical, social and moral situation in the country since independence. As long as this situation does not improve, a rise in the influence of such movements is only to be expected.
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| 6. |
- Bedford, Sofie, 1975-
(författare)
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Val för att bevara status quo : elektoral autokrati och stabilitet i Azerbajdzjan
- 2015
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Ingår i: Nordisk Østforum. - Oslo : Cappelen Damm Akademisk. - 0801-7220 .- 1891-1773. ; 29:1, s. 5-31
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Electoral autocracies have become the world’s most common form of non-democratic rule. In hegemonic autocracies in particular, where the president, or his party, always wins by more than 70 percent of the vote, the electoral process comes across as mere window-dressing. Still, both the regime and the opposition take elections seriously. Why? What role do elections play? The article deals with this question while focusing on the Azerbaijani 2013 presidential election, and consists of three parts. The first is a theoretical introduction dedicated to electoral autocracies and authoritarian stability. The next summarizes the election, stressing its purpose for the opposition. The third part analyses whether and how the election contributed to strengthening the authoritarian regime. The study concludes that developments during and after the election year are an illustration of what in previous research is sometimes referred to as the politics of insecurity. Even though the opposition “lost”, the relative success of their campaign indicated that change might, after all, be possible. The regime, depending on regular multi-party elections for its democratic alibi, did not appreciate the uncertainty and tried to minimize it by using the “three pillars” on which authoritarian states’ stability can be said to rest: legitimacy, repression and cooptation.
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| 8. |
- Berglund, Christofer, 1985-
(författare)
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Demokratisering och dess gränser : etnopolitik, exit och voice i Georgiens kortslutna transition
- 2010
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Ingår i: Nordisk Østforum. - 0801-7220 .- 1891-1773. ; 24:1, s. 7-34
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article aims to highlight and problematise the boundaries of democratisation, with Georgia's troubled transition as empirical point of reference. The argument proceeds from the established idea that democratisation requires a demos, the presence of which provides the state undergoing transition with horizontal legitimacy. However, there are no good ways to decide where or how to draw the boundaries of democratisation in ethnopolitically contested states. Transitions occurring under such circumstances tend to be short-circuited. No nation wishes to be subjugated to the will of another nation within a state owned by another nation. Whether conflicts over the boundaries of democratisation are resolved to the satisfaction of the majority or minority depends to a significant degree - but by no means exclusively - on the vertical legitimacy of the host state. Depending on whether the relationship between the majority population and the state institutions is characterised by distrust or trust, the host state will be either weak or strong, and hence have low or high ability to contain resentful minorities. The article argues that between 1991 and 2003, Georgia was characterised by low vertical legitimacy, whereas since 2004, the state has acquired higher vertical legitimacy.
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| 9. |
- Berglund, Christofer, 1985-
(författare)
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Georgiens parlamentsval: demokratiskt genombrott eller semi-auktoritär regimcykel?
- 2013
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Ingår i: Nordisk Østforum. - 0801-7220 .- 1891-1773. ; 27:2, s. 115-139
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article analyses the democratisation process in Georgia, whose citizens on 1 October 2012 succeeded in changing their government through the ballot box. Did this event mark a democratic breakthrough or the beginning of another semi-authoritarian regime cycle? I tackle this question by navigating across the last decade of Georgian politics through the lens of theories on democratisation and semi-authoritarianism. I first expose the system of «dominant-power politics» that allowed Saakashvili to implement much needed state-building reforms, yet also atrophied political competition. I thereafter analyse the tug-of-war between the ruling party and the opposition during the run-up to last year’s elections. After recounting the culmination of this struggle, I examine Georgia’s trajectory in the aftermath of Election Day. Rather than transitioning to democracy, Georgia has developed towards «feckless pluralism». This is to be expected since Prime Minister Ivanishvili and President Saakashvili have been forced into an uneasy cohabitation under a divided-executive constitution. However, if a genuine opening is to ensue, then the protagonists must «accept the existence of diversity in unity and, to that end, to institutionalize some crucial aspect of democratic procedure» (Rustow 1970: 355).
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