| 1. |
- Anciano, Fiona, et al.
(författare)
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Localising governance in the African city : a grounded model of multiple and contending forms of security governance in Hout Bay, Cape Town
- 2022
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Ingår i: Commonwealth and Comparative Politics. - : Informa UK Limited. - 1466-2043 .- 1743-9094. ; 60:3, s. 298-320
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The paper articulates a model of urban governance, developed through emergent analysis of the rulers, methods, rules and logics evident in the practices of security governance in Hout Bay, Cape Town. Informed by the concept of hybrid governance, this grounded theorising draws on extensive fieldwork on security governance practices in a complex urban neighbourhood to present a model of multiple and sometimes contending forms of governance that include, but are not limited to, bureaucratic, market, developmental, network and informal governance. Our model emerges from a critique of top-down approaches to understanding governance that starts with the state, institutions and law, or approaches that primarily focus on formal partnerships between the state and business or other social partners. The view from above can miss important aspects of how residents are governed ‘from below’ and informally. Hence it is impossible to understand from the formal, and in advance of grounded research, exactly how many places in urban Africa are governed. Exposing the particular and local forms of governance in urban Africa can support improved forms of service delivery and citizen’s experiences of living in their city. In addition, while our model may be relevant in other places, more important is the methodology of identifying the rulers and methods, but especially the rules and logics of practice, to surface the specific, and complex, forms of governance in an urban place.
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| 2. |
- Bob-Milliar, G. M., et al.
(författare)
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The social embeddedness of elections: Ghana's 2016 and 2020 campaigns
- 2023
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Ingår i: Commonwealth & Comparative Politics. - 1466-2043 .- 1743-9094.
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Campaign rallies serve as arenas of political communication where candidates present their campaign messages face-to-face in order to gain votes. This article suggests that rallies are one of several forms of campaign visits along with official business stops, courtesy calls to local notables, and personal interactions with constituents. Drawing on an original dataset of campaign visits in Ghana's 2016 and 2020 elections, we find that a significant political learning process took place between the two races for candidates of the two major parties, as candidates diversified their strategies beyond the rally-intensive campaign. Candidates extended the communicative and representative elements of the traditional rally through socially embedded practices by relying on occupational groups like market associations and fisherfolk to mobilise voters. By explaining the meaning behind different forms of campaign visits, we conclude that campaign rallies and other visits are embedded in social realities that shape political mobilisation.
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| 3. |
- Clegg, Peter, et al.
(författare)
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Parliamentary representation of overseas territories in the metropolis : a comparative analysis
- 2022
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Ingår i: Commonwealth and Comparative Politics. - : Taylor & Francis. - 1466-2043 .- 1743-9094. ; 60:3, s. 229-253
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The consequences of 'Brexit' are many, and one that is little discussed is the reigniting of the debate as to whether Britain's Overseas Territories (BOTs) should have direct representation within the United Kingdom Houses of Parliament; presently they do not. Proponents suggest that this would strengthen the territories' voice in, and links with, Britain. The article considers this debate by drawing on some of the extant literature on what constitutes a demos, as well as descriptive representation, and the experiences of the Faroe Islands, Greenland, Aland, and Puerto Rico, which do have direct representation in their respective metropolitan parliaments. The article suggests that although there are strong normative arguments for such representation, the mixed record of the territories featured does not offer compelling evidence that a change for the BOTs would bring about significant improvements in how their interests are represented and defended.
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| 4. |
- Demetriou, Chares
(författare)
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Divide and rule Cyprus? Decolonisation as process
- 2019
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Ingår i: Commonwealth and Comparative Politics. - : Informa UK Limited. - 1466-2043 .- 1743-9094. ; 57:4, s. 403-420
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Instances of decolonisation can be considered processes featuring complicated interactions that are both path-depended and open-ended. This perspective contrasts with reductionist epistemologies, particularly economistic ones. Viewing the decolonisation of Cyprus in processual terms, this article argues that the process at hand was crucially shaped by the colonial strategy of divide-and-rule and that the process’s complicated flow of interactions obscured the British government’s ability to assess the unfolding predicament clearly, failing most particularly to rank its options optimally by misreading the option of granting independence to Cyprus.
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| 5. |
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| 6. |
- Moffitt, Benjamin, et al.
(författare)
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Straddling the Divide: Mainstream Populism and Conservatism in Howard’s Australia and Harper’s Canada’
- 2012
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Ingår i: Commonwealth and Comparative Politics. - : Informa UK Limited. - 1466-2043 .- 1743-9094. ; 50:3, s. 271-292
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This paper builds on the insights of Sawer and Laycock (2009) to explore similarities in the use of populist discourse by former Australian Prime John Howard and current Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper. While Sawer and Laycock label this discourse ‘market populism’ and focus on economic issues, here it is argued that Howard and Harper's populism is better understood as ‘mainstream populism’ due to the equal importance of sociocultural issues in their discourses. To demonstrate this, the treatment of issues such as immigration, multiculturalism, the culture wars, criminal justice, and childcare is considered. It is further suggested that such populist policies were used to satisfy rival wings of their respective parties – neoliberals and social conservatives – that do not always share the same priorities.
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| 9. |
- Saati, Abrak, 1982-
(författare)
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The political consequences of smallness : the case of Saint Lucia
- 2022
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Ingår i: Commonwealth and Comparative Politics. - : Routledge. - 1466-2043 .- 1743-9094. ; 60:4, s. 339-356
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This study contributes to the literature on the political consequences of smallness, focusing on the case of Saint Lucia. Interviews with 19 MPs and senators reveal apolitical reality of patronage and corruption that occurs in daily encounters with constituents, but also within formal institutions. The study shows that politicians who habitually grant personal favours to constituents, most times do so because there is a genuine need due to economic hardship. Thus, though it is not their intent to get involved in patronage practices, their actions nevertheless create exactly such practices. When it comes to patronage and corruption within formal institutions, however, MPs and senators are fully aware of its existence. Regardless of political affiliation, they also acknowledge that there is no interest in coming to terms with these occurrences, since the shared sentiment is that keeping the status quo is politically convenient for all parties.
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| 10. |
- Sjögren, Anders, 1968-
(författare)
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From rural rebellions to urban riots : political competition and changing patterns of violent political revolt in Uganda
- 2017
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Ingår i: Commonwealth and Comparative Politics. - : Routledge. - 1466-2043 .- 1743-9094. ; 55:1, s. 22-40
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Violent political revolt has been common in independent Uganda. For a long time such revolts were exclusively expressed as rural-based rebel groups fighting the government. Since the mid-2000s, however, this seems to have come to an end. Instead, urban riots, very rare in the past, have become much more common. This article analyses the changing patterns of types and location of violent political revolt in Uganda under the National Resistance Movement. It argues that the earlier prevalence of rural rebellions can be explained by the combination of a coercive and militarised state, and weak and ethnically factionalised political forces who took their violent resistance to rural regional bases. Over time, however, government counter-insurgency became more effective and the conditions for insurgency were undermined by withdrawal of external support. Furthermore, the reintroduction of multi-party politics in 2005 opened up new avenues for political expression. The changes to the political system were however more nominal than real in many respects. While the rebel option had become less attractive and feasible, a series of social, economic and political grievances remained which were only partly channelled through party politics. They also found expression through sporadic urban violent revolt.
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