| 1. |
- Axelsson, Jörgen, et al.
(author)
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Strategisk teoris bidrag till förståelse av svensk säkerhets- och försvarspolitik
- 2016
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In: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift. - 0039-0747. ; 118:4, s. 445-470
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- What is the added value of strategic theory in the understanding of Swedish securityand defence policies? By introducing a series of concepts that identify policiesthat are pursued in both peace and war such as escalation, deterrence, andweapons acquisition, we argue that strategic concepts contribute to the analysisof Swedish security policy mainly by highlighting forms of policy that do not conceptuallyrest upon the dichotomy of war and peace. Differently from mainstreamscholarly analysis that treats deterrence as one, uniform concept, we differentiatebetween four different logics of deterrence. Using this conceptual tool, we analyseSwedish policies in the 1950s and 2010s and discover that although Sweden pursueddeterrence during both this periods, her policies depend on a different logic. Bycomparison, 1950s Sweden understood to pursue deterrence understood as a wall,while 2010s Sweden understands the term in terms of a shield.
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| 2. |
- Egnell, Robert, Professor, 1975-, et al.
(author)
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Afghanistan : Krig utan slut?
- 2017. - 2
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In: Om Krig och Fred. - Lund : Studentlitteratur AB. - 9789144115740 ; , s. 153-172
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Book chapter (peer-reviewed)
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| 3. |
- Egnell, Robert, et al.
(author)
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Afghanistans trettioåriga krig
- 2012. - 1
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In: Om krig och fred. - Lund : Studentlitteratur. - 9789144075587 ; , s. 129-143
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Book chapter (peer-reviewed)
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| 4. |
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| 5. |
- Noreen, Erik, 1951-, et al.
(author)
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Why small states join big wars : The case of Sweden in Afghanistan 2002–2014
- 2017
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In: International Relations. - : SAGE Publications. - 0047-1178 .- 1741-2862. ; 31:2, s. 145-168
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- The security behavior of small states has traditionally been explained by different takes of realism, liberalism, or constructivism – focusing on the behavior that aims toward safeguarding sovereignty or engaging in peace policies. The issue of why states with limited military capacities and little or no military alignments or engagements decide to participate in an international mission has received limited attention by previous research. In contrast, this article argues that a three-layered discursive model can make the choices of small states more precisely explained and thereby contribute to an increased understanding of small states’ security behavior beyond threat balancing and interdependence. Analyzing a deviant case of a non-aligned small state, this article explains why Sweden became increasingly involved in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)-led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) mission in Afghanistan. By focusing on the domestic political discourses regarding the Swedish involvement in this mission, it is suggested that a narrative shapes public perception of a particular policy and establishes interpretative dominance of how a particular event should be understood. This dominant domestic discourse makes a certain international behavior possible and even impossible to alter once established. In the Swedish case, it is demonstrated that this discourse assumed a ‘catch-all’ ambition, satisfying both domestic and international demands. In general terms, it should thus be emphasized that certain discourses and narratives are required in order to make it possible for a country to participate in a mission such as ISAF and prolong the mission for several years.
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| 6. |
- Sörenson, Karl, 1978-
(author)
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Deterrence Games for the 21st Century : Representation, Theory and Evidence
- 2022
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Doctoral thesis (other academic/artistic)abstract
- Deterrence is the backbone of military strategy. Dissuading an opponent from taking a specific action by threat of violence is the definition of deterrence. From the outset of the Cold War there has been a strong link between the study of deterrence and game theoretic analysis. There are compelling epistemic reasons for studying deterrence as a game. By doing so, the strategic interaction between actors is placed at the centre of the analysis, mapping the possible outcomes and revealing the strategies available to the actors. Discussions about various models’ appropriateness and model comparison therefore play a central role in deterrence research; from underlying assumptions and deterrence representation to theory and evidence. This dissertation treats aspects of all of these topics. Article I, “Prospects of Deterrence – Deterrence Theory – Representation and Evidence”, analyses the relationship between model and theory and what happens to a deterrence theory when the rationality assumption is switched to a prospect theoretical utility function. Article II, “A Misfit Model – Bounded Rationality and Deterrence Representation”, defends and remodels Schelling’s idea of irrational threats for effective deterrence. Article III, “Comparable Deterrence – Target, Criteria and Purpose”, treats the issue of how one can compare game theoretic models with one another and proposes a meta-model for how this can be done. Article IV, “Deterring the Dauntless – Appraising the Effects of Naval Deterrence against the Somali Piracy”, estimates whether and to what extent Somali piracy was deterred by the naval intervention.
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| 7. |
- Ångström, Jan, Professor, 1970-, et al.
(author)
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"Civil and military” as a constitutive categorization of the study of war and politics
- 2021
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In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics. - : Oxford University Press.
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Book chapter (peer-reviewed)abstract
- The existence of a clear-cut division between “civil and military” is in many ways a foundation for international law and diplomacy. It is also a given starting point in many studies on current issues relating to war and peace, as well as in historical interpretations of past conflicts. Yet the civil–military dichotomy is not always a useful way of approaching complex matters, and by adopting such a starting point, some issues risk being overlooked. There are numerous historical examples, from the American Civil War, to wars of national liberation ending colonialization, to insurrections shaking political status quo such as the Marxist–Leninist revolutions; all illustrate that neither the agents of war nor the victims fit neatly into one of two clear categories. In a contemporary setting, non-traditional forms of warfare that make use of cyber space or autonomous systems further serves not only to undermine ideas of internal–external security but also to blur the distinction between civil and military. In the everyday making and implementation of policy, these concepts are indeed fluid and the borders between them highly variable, continuously contested, and renegotiated. As concepts, they can be seen as co-constitutive in the everyday usage. Civil and military are therefore best understood as norms, whose contents and interrelationship are contextually determined. At the same time, civil and military are organizational principles of the state, and as such the distinction is, arguably, too important, too deep-seated within the modern state- system, and too engrained in how legal and political order are understood to disappear in the near future.
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| 8. |
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| 9. |
- Ångström, Jan, Professor, 1970-
(author)
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Contribution Warfare : Sweden's Lessons of the War in Afghanistan
- 2020
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In: Parameters. - 0031-1723 .- 2158-2106. ; 50:4, s. 61-72
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Contribution warfare removed the influence of Sweden's politics from the Afghanistan War (2001-14) and created learning conditions favoring case-specific, tactical lessons over the strategic ones. This article applies the concept of "contribution warfare" to analyze the lessons from Sweden's involvement in the war. The inconsistent application of this knowledge resulted largely from the political and operational realities of a small nation contributing to an alliance dominated by a single actor.
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| 10. |
- Ångström, Jan, Professor, 1970-
(author)
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Escalation, Emulation, and the Failure of Hybrid Warfare in Afghanistan
- 2017
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In: Studies in Conflict and Terrorism. - : Taylor & Francis. - 1057-610X .- 1521-0731. ; 40:10, s. 838-856
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- In this article, I argue that hybridization is a contingent result of the dynamics of some conflicts but not others. In particular, faced with opponents with great power, weaker powers seek a situation of asymmetry to gain victory. Drawing on within-case analysis of the conduct of war during the past thirty years in Afghanistan, I demonstrate that what we now consider to be "hybrid" represents an important continuity and strategic option in Afghan warfare. Still, the analysis also demonstrates that choosing "hybrid" has not been a strategy that has worked. Hezb-i-Islami's rather limited attempt for conventionalization of the war against the forces of Dostum and Massoud in 1992 failed and the Taliban's more far-reaching attempt for conventionalization has so far also failed to reap strategic success. This suggests that the threat of hybrid war is inflated.
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