| 1. |
- Agerberg, Mattias, 1986, et al.
(författare)
-
Gender aspects of government auditing.
- 2018
-
Ingår i: Gender and corruption. Historical roots and new avenues for research.. - : Palgrave Macmillan. - 9783319709284
-
Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)
|
|
| 2. |
- Ahlerup, Pelle, 1977, et al.
(författare)
-
Climate Shocks, Regional Favoritism and Trust in Leaders: Insights from Droughts in Africa
- 2024
-
Ingår i: World Development. - 0305-750X .- 1873-5991. ; 183
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Droughts can affect people’s trust in political leaders positively, through rallying effects, or negatively, through blame attribution. We examine how drought conditions affect trust in leaders in the context of Africa. We link high-precision exogenous climate data to survey respondents, 2002–2018, and report moderate negative effects of drought conditions on people’s trust in their president. These negative effects increase with the severity of drought conditions. The political economy of favoritism, where some regions are preferentially treated by rulers, should result in heterogeneous effects across territories. We find that trust in leaders increases in capital regions and in leader birth regions during dry conditions. In contrast, when droughts take place in such regions, trust levels fall in other regions. This is in line with the idea that capital regions and leader birth regions could be preferentially treated in the aftermath of droughts. Understanding these processes further is important given their salience because of global warming.
|
|
| 3. |
- Ahlerup, Pelle, 1977, et al.
(författare)
-
Drought and Political Trust
- 2023
-
Annan publikation (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Droughts can affect people’s political trust positively, through rallying effects, or negatively, through blame attribution. We examine how drought conditions affect political trust in the context of Africa. We link high-precision exogenous climate data to survey respondents, 2002–2018, and report moderate negative effects of drought conditions on people’s trust in their president. These negative effects increase with the severity of drought conditions. The political economy of favoritism, where some regions are preferentially treated by rulers, should result in heterogeneous effects across territories. We find that trust increases in capital regions and in leader birth regions during dry conditions. In contrast, when droughts take place in such regions, trust levels fall in other regions. This is in line with the idea that capital regions and leader birth regions could be preferentially treated in the aftermath of droughts. Understanding these processes further is important given their salience because of global warming.
|
|
| 4. |
|
|
| 5. |
- Dahlberg, Moa
(författare)
-
Shared Authority – More Capacity : Hybrid Governance of National Parks in Southern Africa
- 2024
-
Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- A state's ability to establish and enforce collective rules is central to its ability to govern. How states can increase their capacity to achieve this in areas where local actors – such as traditional authorities in Africa –are central structures is therefore occupying both researchers and practitioners. I contribute to this growing body of literature by focusing on the de facto interactions between state- and traditional authorities. Based on extensive fieldwork, I study how hybrid governance arrangements with traditional authorities influence the state's capacity to govern through the perceptions and experiences of park- and traditional authorities and local inhabitants in National Park governance in the Great Limpopo Transfrontier Park and Conservation Area. The findings align with previous scholarships, showing that states can increase their capacity by sharing authority with traditional authorities. I show that park authorities actively interact with traditional authorities to increase their capacity to establish and enforce conservation rules. Negotiations and informal practices harmonize rules, mitigate conflicts, and combine formal and customary enforcement systems, thus strengthening the state system. The thesis underlines that to understand the capacity of the modern African state, we need to include the informal governance practices with local actors in our analyses.
|
|
| 6. |
- Gustavson, Maria, et al.
(författare)
-
Organizing the audit society: Does good auditing generate less public sector corruption?
- 2018
-
Ingår i: Administration & Society. - : SAGE Publications. - 0095-3997 .- 1552-3039. ; 50:10, s. 1508-1532
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Few cross-country studies examine the effects of auditing quality on public sector corruption. We present a definition of good auditing consisting of three principles: independence, professionalism, and recognizing the people as the principal. Using novel data from an original expert survey covering more than 100 countries, the concept is then operationalized and tested empirically. The results demonstrate that good auditing has a positive effect on national levels of public sector corruption. This lends reason to believe that auditing which is organized according to certain principles has potential to contribute to well-functioning public administrations with a low degree of corruption.
|
|
| 7. |
|
|
| 8. |
- Halkos, George, et al.
(författare)
-
Regional environmental performance and governance quality: A non-parametric analysis
- 2015
-
Ingår i: Environmental Economics and Policy Studies. - : Springer Science and Business Media LLC. - 1432-847X .- 1867-383X. ; 17:4, s. 621-644
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This paper applies nonparametric estimators to examine the effect of regional quality of government on the environmental performance in the NUTS 1 regions in France, Germany, and the UK. A novel measure on governance is used, gauging the partiality, corruption and effectiveness of government services in each region. By utilizing regional-level measures of three pollutants (CO2, CH4 and N2O), the effect of governance on environmental efficiency is analyzed. The empirical analysis suggests that there is a nonlinear relationship between regions’ governance quality levels and their environmental performance. It appears that the effect of regional quality of governance is positive up to a certain level, then turning slightly negative. This suggests that higher governance quality will not always result in increased environmental efficiency.
|
|
| 9. |
|
|
| 10. |
- Jagers, Sverker C., 1967, et al.
(författare)
-
Paradise Islands? Island States and the provision of environmental goods
- 2016
-
Ingår i: Sustainability. - : MDPI AG. - 2071-1050. ; 8:3
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Island states have been shown to outperform continental states on a number of large-scale coordination-related outcomes, such as levels of democracy and institutional quality. The argument developed and tested in this article contends that the same kind of logic may apply to islands’ environmental performance, too. However, the empirical analysis shows mixed results. Among the 105 environmental outcomes that we analyzed, being an island only has a positive impact on 20 of them. For example, island states tend to outcompete continental states with respect to several indicators related to water quality but not in aspects related to biodiversity, protected areas, or environmental regulations. In addition, the causal factors previously suggested to make islands outperform continental states in terms of coordination have weak explanatory power in predicting islands’ environmental performance. We conclude the paper by discussing how these interesting findings can be further explored.
|
|
| 11. |
- Jagers, Sverker C., 1967, et al.
(författare)
-
Trust, corruption, and compliance with regulations: Attitudes to rule violations in the Great Limpopo Transfrontier Park
- 2021
-
Ingår i: Social Science Quarterly. - : Wiley. - 0038-4941 .- 1540-6237. ; 102:6, s. 2661-2675
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Objective While trust is proposed as a key concept to understand people's compliance in natural resource governance, research would benefit from being more precise. Our aim is to test whether more specific survey measures of people's tendency to violate rules and the degree to which law enforcing rangers are seen as corrupt trumps more commonly used items on intra-personal trust and trust in institutions. Methods We analyze an original survey of residents within the boundaries of the Great Limpopo Park, straddling Mozambique, South Africa, and Zimbabwe. Results While general trust items predict compliance intentions in a first model, these effects largely disappear when we introduce more specific measures. We find consistent negative effects from perceived corruption among rangers. We also report negative effects from perceptions of other people's noncompliant behavior. Conclusion Compliance to natural resource regulations hinges on specific perceptions of how rule enforcing agents and other resource users act.
|
|
| 12. |
|
|
| 13. |
- Linell, Amanda, et al.
(författare)
-
Governing transboundary commons in Africa: the emergence and challenges of the Kavango–Zambezi Treaty
- 2019
-
Ingår i: International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics. - : Springer Science and Business Media LLC. - 1567-9764 .- 1573-1553. ; 19, s. 53-68
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- © 2018, The Author(s). The advent of ‘Peace Parks’ on the African continent is puzzling from the perspective of institutional theory. We focus on the world’s largest transfrontier conservation cooperation that exists to date, the Kavango–Zambezi Treaty, which was ratified by Angola, Botswana, Namibia, Zambia, and Zimbabwe in 2011. The collaboration seeks to foster sustainable governance of resources in the region. The paper asks two questions: What were the main factors facilitating the establishment of the Kavango–Zambezi Treaty? What potential challenges for the treaty remain on the operational level? Analysing interviews with key informants, we contribute by providing insights regarding the emergence and existing challenges of the treaty. Factors reducing coordination problems during the treaty’s establishment included that it did not compete with existing institutions at the international level, the important role played by moral authorities such as Nelson Mandela, and that consensus rather than conflict prevailed between respective political actors as they realized the function of this cooperation. The treaty is challenged by differences in macro-institutional factors amongst participating nations and a variation in the extent to which communities trust in and comply with these institutions. There are significant remaining obstacles with regard to harmonizing policies in the five partner countries.
|
|
| 14. |
|
|
| 15. |
|
|
| 16. |
- McCright, Aaron, et al.
(författare)
-
Examining Gender Differences in Environmental Concern in the Swedish General Public 1990-2011
- 2014
-
Ingår i: International Journal of Sociology. - 0020-7659 .- 1557-9336. ; 43:4, s. 63-86
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- While numerous cross-sectional studies find modest gender differences in environmental concern within the general publics of North American and European countries, such a pattern has not been examined over time—primarily due to a lack of suitable data. Utilizing 22 years of nationally representative survey data from the Swedish general public, we test if the theoretically expected relationship between gender and environmental concern—where women are modestly more pro-environmental than men—is robust over time. Results from our multivariate ordered logistic regression models reveal a consistent pattern over the time period. Across all available years of data, women report greater environmental concern than men in the Swedish general public. Specifically, Swedish women report greater worry about environmental destruction, greater worry about climate change, and greater support for environmental protection than men. Thus, this gender difference in environmental concern is indeed robust. Not only is the theoretically expected relationship between gender and environmental concern robust across environmental concern indicators and counties of study, it is also robust over time.
|
|
| 17. |
- Nistotskaya, Marina, et al.
(författare)
-
The Quality of Government Expert Survey 2020 Dataset: Wave III
- 2021
-
Annan publikation (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The Quality of Government Institute (QoG) Expert Survey measures the structure of public administration and behaviour of civil servants in countries across the globe. The survey is interested in how individuals are hired to public administration, fired and promoted, and to what extent the behavior of civil servants is impartial. The 2020 survey is the third wave of the QoG Expert Survey, following the first wave in 2008-2012 and the second wave in 2014. The QoG Expert Survey 2020 produced ten country-level indicators, pertaining to bureaucratic structure (meritocratic recruitment, security of tenure, closedness) and bureaucratic behavior (political interference into day-to-day bureaucratic decision-making and impartiality). The data is based on the assessments of more than 550 experts, carefully selected for their contextual subject-matter knowledge. The experts took part in the research pro bono. The main innovation of the third wave is the use of anchoring vignettes and Item-Response Theory (IRT)-based aggregation techniques to produce point estimates that account and adjust for systematic differences in expert subjective assessments and variation in expert reliability. The resulting indicators are internally coherent and also correlate well with other well-established measures for the same concepts. The strength of the association between the data from 2020 and the two previous waves of the survey suggests that the data is likely to measure the same underlying phenomena, while offering enough variability over time to be used in time-series analysis.
|
|
| 18. |
- Nistotskaya, Marina, et al.
(författare)
-
The Quality of Government Expert Survey 2020 (Wave III): Report
- 2021
-
Rapport (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The Quality of Government Expert Survey (QoG Expert Survey) is a research project aimed at documenting the organizational design of public bureaucracies and bureaucratic behavior in countries around the world. This report documents the design and implementation of the third wave of the QoG Expert Survey, and initial analysis of the new data. The QoG Expert Survey 2020 produced ten country-level indicators, pertaining to bureaucratic structure (meritocratic re- cruitment, security of tenure, closedness) and bureaucratic behavior (political interference into day-to-day bureaucratic decision-making and impartiality). The data is based on the assessments of more than 550 experts, carefully selected for their contextual subject-matter knowledge. The experts took part in the research pro bono. The main innovation of the third wave is the use of anchoring vignettes and Item-Response Theory (IRT)-based aggregation techniques to produce point estimates that account and adjust for systematic differences in expert subjective assess- ments and variation in expert reliability. The resulting indicators are internally coherent and also correlate well with other well-established measures for the same concepts. The strength of the association between the data from 2020 and the two previous waves of the survey suggests that the data is likely to measure the same underling phenomena, while offering enough variability over time to be used in time-series analysis.
|
|
| 19. |
- Ntuli, Herbert, et al.
(författare)
-
Understanding the drivers of subsistence poaching in the great limpopo transfrontier conservation area : What matters for community wildlife conservation?
- 2021
-
Ingår i: Ecology and Society. - : Resilience Alliance. - 1708-3087. ; 26:1
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Although subsistence poaching is a large threat to wildlife conservation in Southern Africa, this behavior is seldom researched. Our understanding of individual and community level factors that drive such behavior is limited because of both lack of data and the literature’s predominant focus on commercial poaching. The main objective of this study is to contribute to this scanty literature by examining the factors that are correlated to subsistence poaching in the Great Limpopo, a transfrontier reserve spanning across Mozambique, South Africa, and Zimbabwe. We use collected primary data from a sample of 2282 respondents and 85 villages that are part of the transfrontier conservation area. We focus on two features, reported subsistence poaching incidences in the community and the previous hunting of individuals, a behavior that is now forbidden in this area. We find through multivariate regression analysis that the likelihood for reported poaching incidences was higher in communities with a larger proportion of young men, plenty of wildlife, and experiencing wildlife conflict. In addition, our survey results illustrate that there is less poaching in communities where local people trust each other, respect institutions, perceive that the management of the park is good, and view wildlife as an asset. Some of these variables can be influenced by appropriate interventions; our findings suggest that capacity building in local institutions, use of community-based crime prevention approaches, training related to wildlife management, and public awareness campaigns could be used by policy makers to affect individuals’ perceptions and behaviors in this context.
|
|
| 20. |
|
|
| 21. |
- Povitkina, Marina, et al.
(författare)
-
Democracy, development and the marine environment - A global time-series investigation
- 2015
-
Ingår i: Ocean & Coastal Management. - : Elsevier BV. - 0964-5691 .- 1873-524X. ; 105, s. 25-34
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Is democracy favorable or adverse for the management of marine resources? While some studies find democracy to increase the likelihood of achieving sustainable development, others propose that democracy rather has negative effects on the environment. This paper contributes explicitly to this debate, but also adds insights from research arguing that the effects of democracy are conditioned by surrounding institutions. Building on this literature, we argue that the way democracy works - whether it is an instrument for collective action beneficial to the environment or an instrument for patronage and clientelism - depends on levels of economic development. The overall objective of the article is to test this proposition empirically. Employing time-series cross-section analysis and using Marine Trophic Index as a proxy for the health of marine ecosystems, we investigate the impact of democracy on the marine environment in a global sample from 1972 to 2006. The analysis provides interesting insights regarding the conditional role of economic development. We report negative effects of democracy in low income settings, but find that this pattern is reversed when economic development has reached a certain threshold. Finally, we discuss how democracy affects the prospects for sustainable development and based on our conclusions offer suggestions for future research. (C) 2014 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
|
|
| 22. |
|
|
| 23. |
- Sjöstedt, Martin, 1977, et al.
(författare)
-
Coping with illegal fishing: An institutional account of success and failure in Namibia and South Africa
- 2015
-
Ingår i: Biological Conservation. - : Elsevier BV. - 0006-3207. ; 189, s. 78-85
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Although previously sharing many ecological and institutional conditions, the fisheries reform processes undertaken in South Africa and Namibia in the early 1990s have produced highly different institutional trajectories. In Namibia, the institutional arrangements governing fisheries management have turned Namibia into a regional success case with relatively low degrees of illegal fishing and poaching, but in South Africa, the institutional arrangements are generally considered to be weak and characterized by noncompliance – and poaching is widespread. The overall objective of this article is to provide an institutional perspective on how to understand the dynamics of these different trajectories. In particular, the article concludes that the notion of path dependence, historical legacies, and distributional struggles provide important insights to the observed developments.
|
|
| 24. |
- Sjöstedt, Martin, 1977, et al.
(författare)
-
Donor coordination or donor confusion? How disputed facts and problem framing affect the prospects for aid harmonization
- 2017
-
Ingår i: Development Policy Review. - : Wiley. - 0950-6764 .- 1467-7679. ; 35:S2
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- A declared commitment in international development assistance is to promote donor co-ordination. Yet, how this objective plays out in practice, or how feasible and realistic it is, have rarely been evaluated. Using the fisheries sector as a critical case, this article explores whether two major international actors, the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) and the World Bank, meet the demands of policy harmonization as spelled out in the Paris Declaration on aid effectiveness. Through a systematic qualitative analysis, the article investigates whether the policies of these actors are complementary or contradictory. It also assesses how the potential challenges to harmonization can be understood and what the broader implications for aid and development policies in general might be.
|
|
| 25. |
- Sjöstedt, Martin, 1977, et al.
(författare)
-
Governance through community policing: What makes citizens report poaching of wildlife to state officials?
- 2021
-
Rapport (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Rulers of weak states face a predicament. They lack capacity to monitor crime and need citizens to partake in intelligence-sharing. Yet, agents of such authorities are seldom trusted, raising doubts about whether locals will provide information. The case of wildlife poaching in African countries illustrates this tension, where rangers are few and offenders on good terms with locals. Why do some locals choose to assist rangers and report on poachers, while others refrain from doing so? We surveyed 2300 residents in and near the Great Limpopo Transfrontier Park in Mozambique, South Africa, and Zimbabwe. We find that people that are afraid of rangers and perceive them as corruptible are less willing to assist in information-sharing. Seeing poaching as condemnable also matters. In contrast, individuals’ stakes in conservation and perceptions of wildlife as threatened do not predict our outcome. For effective com- munity policing, policy needs to change how officials are seen.
|
|
| 26. |
- Sjöstedt, Martin, 1977, et al.
(författare)
-
Governance through community policing: What makes citizens report poaching of wildlife to state officials?
- 2022
-
Ingår i: World Development. - : Elsevier BV. - 0305-750X. ; 160
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Conservation rules - e.g. protected area regulations that aim to reduce wildlife poaching - often have an inherent challenge: while relying on that locals should share intelligence about observed crime to author-ities, such rules tend to be weakly supported by these communities. Enforcement officials of conservation authorities (such as rangers) are seldom trusted, and this in turn raises doubts about whether locals will provide sufficient information about conservation crime, which is not the least needed in all those set-tings where a small number of rangers are tasked to monitor vast areas. The case of wildlife poaching in African countries illustrates this tension, where rangers are few, sometimes have a dubious record, and where offenders often are on good terms with locals. This article asks: Why do some locals choose to assist rangers and report on poachers, while others refrain from doing so? We conducted a survey in the years 2017-2018 directed towards 2300 residents in and near the Great Limpopo Transfrontier Park in Mozambique, South Africa, and Zimbabwe, where a major challenge is both subsistence and com-mercial forms of poaching. Our focus was primarily on subsistent poaching. We also conducted in-depth interviews with rangers and park officials to corroborate that our quantitative insights point to the same description of the situation. Our survey demonstrates that people that are afraid of rangers and perceive them as corruptible are less willing to assist in information-sharing. Seeing poaching as condemnable increases people's propensity to report on illegal activities. In contrast, individuals' stakes in conservation and perceptions of wildlife as threatened do not predict our outcome. Our findings suggest that to achieve a more thorough involvement of locals in the enforcement of conservation laws, policy needs to change how communities perceive both officials and rules.(c) 2022 The Author(s). Published by Elsevier Ltd. This is an open access article under the CC BY license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).
|
|
| 27. |
- Sjöstedt, Martin, 1977, et al.
(författare)
-
Overfishing in Southern Africa: A Comparative Account of Regime Effectiveness and National Capacities
- 2013
-
Ingår i: Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis. - 1387-6988. ; 15:5
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The international community has in recent decades supported the installment of formal regulations and institutions for monitoring, control, and surveillance to decrease illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing in African nations. Yet, few studies have investigated the effectiveness of these reforms. By conducting a systematic comparison of the enforcement of fisheries regulations in five Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries, we illustrate how the effectiveness of international agreements and regional commitments are fundamentally conditioned by national capacities. The empirical investigation also provides some tentative insights into the general dynamic process and mechanisms through which this can be understood.
|
|
| 28. |
- Stockemer, Daniel, et al.
(författare)
-
Age Inequalities in Political Representation: A Review Article
- 2023
-
Ingår i: Government and Opposition. - 0017-257X .- 1477-7053.
-
Forskningsöversikt (refereegranskat)abstract
- People in political decision-making across the globe tend to be much older than the average voter. As such, parliaments and cabinets are unrepresentative of the larger population. This has consequences: it risks favouring policies geared towards the interests of older cohorts, it might alienate youth from voting and could push parties to appeal (even more) to older voters. In this review, we synthesize the growing literature on youth representation. We do so by: (1) delineating the group of young politicians, (2) discussing why youth ought to be present in politics, (3) empirically depicting the state of youth representation, and (4) illustrating the factors that help or harm youth to enter politics. This synthesis shows the degree to which young people are absent from decision-making bodies across the national, subnational and supra-national levels and attempts to make sense of the reasons why there is such a dearth of youth as candidates and representatives. We conclude by discussing gaps in research and suggesting several avenues for future work.
|
|
| 29. |
- Stockemer, Daniel, et al.
(författare)
-
Age representation in parliaments: Can institutions pave way for the young?
- 2018
-
Ingår i: European Political Science Review. - 1755-7739 .- 1755-7747. ; 10:3, s. 467-490
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Middle-aged to senior men of the ethnic majority and higher income groups are generally overrepresented in parliaments. While research on group representation has examined issues of gender, economic standing, and, more recently, ethnicity, few studies examine age groups. We argue that the design of political institutions influences the share of young adults in parliaments across nations and hypothesize that the electoral system type, age candidacy requirements, and quotas influence the share of younger deputies in national parliaments. Analyzing an original data set with a global cross-national sample, we find that proportional representation and giving candidates the right to stand in elections as early as possible (i.e. at the age of 18) matter. In contrast, quota provisions for youths are currently too selectively applied to increase the percentage of young deputies in parliament.
|
|
| 30. |
- Stockemer, Daniel, et al.
(författare)
-
Boys’ club or good ol’ boys club? Corruption and the parliamentary representation of young and old men and women
- 2021
-
Ingår i: Parliamentary Affairs. - : Oxford University Press (OUP). - 0031-2290 .- 1460-2482. ; 74:2, s. 314-332
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Research on political representation has shown that corruption is not gender-neutral: it benefits the recruitment of men to political office more than it does women. Yet, it is unclear if all men or a specific type of men, elderly men, benefits the most from corrupt networks in terms of political presence. The ‘old boys’ network thesis’ would single out older men as the most likely beneficiaries of the homosocial capital gained through informal ties in corrupt settings. In this article, we test this thesis based on a dataset comprising 98 national parliaments. Through bivariate and multivariate analyses, we find that corruption tends to benefit the presence of men regardless of their age. We further conjecture that the inclusion of young male patrons into nepotistic and clientelistic networks could further explain why these networks of ‘gendered’ corruption have been so sticky over time.
|
|
| 31. |
- Stockemer, Daniel, et al.
(författare)
-
Can institutions pave the way for the young? Electoral systems and age representation in parliament
- 2016
-
Rapport (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Middle-aged to senior men of the ethnic majority and higher income groups are generally overrepresented in parliaments. While research on group representation has examined issues of gender, economic standing and, more recently, ethnicity, few studies exami ne age groups. We argue that the design of political institutions influences the average age of parliamentarians across nations and suggest that, compared to majoritarian systems, PR systems should grant younger politicians entry. Analyzing an original dat aset we corroborate this argument in a global cross-national sample. After controlling for a range of potential explanatory factors, we find that PR systems produce, on average, a parliament with younger representatives.
|
|
| 32. |
- Stockemer, Daniel, et al.
(författare)
-
Corruption and citizens’ satisfaction with democracy in Europe: What is the empirical linkage?
- 2013
-
Ingår i: Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft (ZfVP) / Comparative Governance and Politics. - : Springer Science and Business Media LLC. - 1865-2646 .- 1865-2654. ; 7:1 (Suppl.), s. 137-157
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article evaluates the influence of corruption on how individuals assess the state of democracy in their country. Distinguishing between individual perceptions of small-scale corruption and macro-level corruption trends, we are interested in the question: which of the two indicators influences citizens’ judgments of their regime? Controlling for ten micro-level factors (i.e. individuals’ satisfaction with the government, economy, education system, their participation in social activities, their feeling of public safety, and their assessment on whether they are discriminated against, as well as the four demographics gender, age, education and income) and four contextual factors (i.e. development, economic growth, democratic stock, and income inequalities) our hierarchical linear model offers some nuanced results. First, we find that an individual’s assessment of whether the police and the judges are corrupted influences his or her satisfaction with democracy. Second, our results indicate that the same finding does not apply for the broad macro-level corruption indicator; macro-level corruption is rather unrelated to how a person judges the quality of democracy in his or her country.
|
|
| 33. |
- Stockemer, Daniel, et al.
(författare)
-
Corruption and women in cabinets: Informal barriers to recruitment in the executive
- 2019
-
Ingår i: Governance. - : Wiley. - 0952-1895 .- 1468-0491. ; 32:1, s. 83-102
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Research on corruption and women in politics has mainly focused on legislatures, generally finding that corruption decreases the election of women to parliaments. This article turns the spotlight to the executive branch – an arena where selection is less transparent than recruitment to legislative seats – and examines if corruption decrease the share of ministers who are women. Drawing on feminist institutionalist theories, we posit that in an environment of high political corruption, (male) elites involved in cabinet formation will tend to appoint ministers whom they can trust with secretive tasks. In systems with corrupt networks, relative newcomers, such as women, should face obstacles to career advancement. The article tests this reasoning empirically on a global sample of countries across time. Using a new indicator measuring corruption in executive bodies, we find support for our argument; corruption tends to hinder women’s presence in cabinets, albeit only in democracies and not autocracies.
|
|
| 34. |
|
|
| 35. |
|
|
| 36. |
- Stockemer, Daniel, et al.
(författare)
-
Introducing the Worldwide Age Representation in Parliaments (WARP) data set
- 2022
-
Ingår i: Social Science Quarterly. - : Wiley. - 0038-4941 .- 1540-6237. ; 103:7, s. 1765-1774
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The absence of young adults in elected legislative assemblies is a democratic deficit with potentially severe repercussions. Yet, research is rarely able to address the issue of age group representation systematically because we are lacking empirical information on the age distribution in parliaments. The Worldwide Age Representation in Parliaments (WARP) data set remedies this dearth of data. It provides information about the numerical presence of age groups in parliaments, spanning across the globe and over time and includes age data on legislators, such as the share of members of parliament (MPs) aged 30 years or under, 35 years or under, or 40 years or under. The data set also reports measures that compare the presence of legislators aged 30 years or under, aged 35 years or under, aged 40 years or under, aged 41 to 60 years, as well as aged 61 years or over in relation to the same age group in the general population of a given country. Moreover, it includes gendered figures, such as the presence of young female MPs. The WARP data set contains data for more than 700 elections in 149 countries, so far, and is freely available online. It allows for a novel analysis of the age composition of legislatures.
|
|
| 37. |
- Stockemer, Daniel, et al.
(författare)
-
Modernization theory: How to measure and operationalize it when gauging variation in women's representation
- 2016
-
Ingår i: Social Indicators Research. - : Springer Science and Business Media LLC. - 0303-8300 .- 1573-0921. ; 125:2, s. 695-712
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Modernization theory, one of the most influential theories in the social sciences, holds that as the composition of the economy develops, from an agrarian to a postindustrial society, communities will develop post-materialist values, which should lead to a higher representation of women in elected positions. However, while this reasoning is intuitive, there is no consensus on how to operationalize and measure this process. Existing studies use different types of national level proxy measures such as aggregated survey data on public attitudes on gender equality and broad development indicators such as per capita GDP or population density. In this article, we not only highlight that existing strategies are suboptimal as they run the risk of creating ecological inference fallacies for the former type of indicators and measurement error for the second type of factors, but also offer some finer grained operationalization of modernization theory at the regional level. In more detail, we illustrate that modernization is a multifaceted concept, which is primarily characterized by urbanization, women’s increased labor force participation and a strengthening of the tertiary sector. Using an original dataset on 285 European regions we illustrate that any of these three characteristics of modernization has an independent impact on women’s representation.
|
|
| 38. |
- Stockemer, Daniel, et al.
(författare)
-
Quotas, the electoral system type and the election of young women
- 2021
-
Ingår i: Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State and Society. - : Oxford University Press (OUP). - 1072-4745 .- 1468-2893. ; 28:4, s. 1025-1045
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article focuses on a specific group of legislators facing large hurdles during recruitment processes, namely young women. Building on the institutional literature, we hypothesize that gender quota regulations, youth quotas, and proportional representation (PR) electoral systems should particularly benefit young women. Our quantitative study, capturing one hundred elections conducted between 2012 and 2017, finds partial support for our expectations. For the three hypotheses, we find that legislative quotas and voluntary party quotas for both youths and gender do not significantly increase the share of young women. In contrast, PR electoral systems render the electoral arena less discriminatory toward younger women.
|
|
| 39. |
- Stockemer, D., et al.
(författare)
-
Rule by the elderly: the absence of youth in cabinets of France, Germany and the UK
- 2021
-
Ingår i: French Politics. - : Springer Science and Business Media LLC. - 1476-3419 .- 1476-3427. ; 19, s. 440-449
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- In this research note, we focus on young adults, a group with distinct claims for political representation but a low representation in political office. Focusing on the cabinet, we analyze the marginalization of young politicians in France, Germany, and the UK using time series data. We find that adults aged 35 and below at the time of nomination have made up a mere 1% of the cabinet posts in these countries over the past 40 years. For the age group of adults aged 40 years and below, the percentage of young ministers has reached 7%. We further display that young women are even more of an anomaly than young men. More explanatory, we identify youths' lack of electoral- and party capital as major impediments for young politicians gaining a seat in the cabinet. Finally, we investigate the type of portfolios held by the ministers in our sample and find that young ministers are much more likely than older ones to be designated to portfolios with less prestige.
|
|
| 40. |
- Stockemer, Daniel, et al.
(författare)
-
The gender gap in voter turnout: An artefact of men’s overreporting in survey research?
- 2023
-
Ingår i: British Journal of Politics & International Relations. - : SAGE Publications. - 1369-1481 .- 1467-856X. ; 25:1, s. 21-41
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Is there a gender gap in voting? Most cross-national survey research on gender inequalities in voter turnout finds that men have a higher probability to vote than women. Yet, some studies using validated turnout data shed some doubt on this finding. We revisit the question of a gender gap in voting using official records. In more detail, we compare the gender gap in turnout between survey data and official electoral figures across 73 elections. Our results highlight that in surveys, men still report higher turnout in most countries. However, official electoral figures reveal contrasting trends: across countries, women are, on average, more likely to vote. We also test two explanations for this difference in turnout between official figures and surveys: (1) men over-report voting more than women and (2) the survey samples of men and women are different. We find some, albeit very moderate, evidence for the first explanation and no support for the second explanation. All in all, our research nevertheless suggests that scholars should be careful in using surveys to detect gender differences in voting.
|
|
| 41. |
- Stockemer, Daniel, et al.
(författare)
-
Women in cabinets: The role of party ideology and government turnover
- 2018
-
Ingår i: Party Politics. - : SAGE Publications. - 1354-0688 .- 1460-3683. ; 24:663
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- There is still relatively little research on what factors explain the share of women in cabinets across countries and time. Focusing on party ideology, we advance this budding research. First, we examine if heads of government from left-leaning and/or liberal parties tend to select a larger proportion female cabinet members than those from conservative parties. Second, we evaluate whether a switch toward a left-leaning or liberal government benefits women’s cabinet presence. We test both propositions empirically with a dataset covering mainly Western and industrialized countries after 1968. Our statistical analysis only find lukewarm support for the first proposition, that is, left-wing parties are no longer more likely to nominate women to cabinet posts than other party families, particularly liberal parties. Rather, what we do find is that a change in government, regardless of whether the new formateur is left-wing, liberal or conservative, benefits the nomination of women to cabinet posts.
|
|
| 42. |
- Stockemer, Daniel, et al.
(författare)
-
Women’s representation across different generations: A longitudinal analysis of the European Parliament
- 2019
-
Ingår i: Journal of Common Market Studies. - : Wiley. - 0021-9886 .- 1468-5965. ; 57:4, s. 823-837
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- In this article, we focus on generational differences in women's representation and hypothesize that younger generations of women should be more highly represented than older generations, both in general and within the same parliament. We tested this hypothesis with data on all members who have ever served in the European Parliament since 1979. Of the four generations who have ever served in Brussels and Strasbourg – the World War II generation, the 1968 generation, the post‐1968 generation and the post‐materialist generation – we found both that women's representation increased with every generation and that their representation differs between generations within the same parliament. Finally, our results indicate that while these processes occurred roughly one generation later in eastern and southern Europe, yet, they happened faster in these parts of the European Union.
|
|
| 43. |
- Stockemer, Daniel, et al.
(författare)
-
Young adults' under-representation in elections to the U.S. House of Representatives
- 2023
-
Ingår i: Electoral Studies. - : Elsevier BV. - 0261-3794. ; 81
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The U.S. House of Representatives has one of the oldest pools of politicians in the world today: the average member of the House is 58 years at the time of their election, which is about 20 years older than the average American. But why are younger adults scarce among these representatives? Here we trace the relative absence of youth in both the primary and general elections of 2020 using a supply and demand framework. Our study finds that (1) the average candidate is much older than the average citizen and (2) young candidates perform less well than older candidates in both primaries and general elections. These results suggest that youth are disadvantaged because the two main parties do not nominate enough younger adults as candidates for winnable and safe seats. Young adults also seem to be disadvantaged indirectly at the electoral stage because they lack electoral capital (experience in running for and holding office) and tend to suffer strongly from the incumbency advantage of their opponents. We infer from these findings that barring reforms to rules governing minimum candidate ages and term limits, the under-representation of youth in U.S. national-level politics will continue for the foreseeable future.
|
|
| 44. |
- Stockemer, Daniel, et al.
(författare)
-
Young deputies in the European Parliament: A starkly underrepresented age group
- 2019
-
Ingår i: Acta Politica. - : Springer Science and Business Media LLC. - 0001-6810 .- 1741-1416. ; 54:1, s. 124-144
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The underrepresentation of youths in legislatures is a rarely studied topic in comparative research. This article examines the representation of age groups in the European Parliament, an assembly that allows researchers to observe variation in youths’ presence across institutional contexts of countries. Utilizing a register of the age of all individual Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) for the years 1979–2014, we do two things: (1) offer a picture of the representation of young politicians over time and provide some explanations for youth’s underrepresentation in the EP, and (2) investigate national differences in the representation of young MEPs. Analyzing a host of explanatory variables, our analyses highlight that lowering the legal age to run for office benefits young individuals. In contrast, our analysis suggests that countries, which are richer and have younger populations, tend to send older delegations to Brussels and Strasbourg.
|
|
| 45. |
|
|
| 46. |
|
|
| 47. |
- Sundström, Aksel, 1983, et al.
(författare)
-
Conceptualizing, measuring and explaining youths’ relative absence in legislatures
- 2021
-
Ingår i: PS, Political Science & Politics. - 1049-0965. ; 54:2, s. 195-201
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article conceptualizes the relative absence of youth in legislatures, a feature we see as a democratic deficit with detrimental consequences. It introduces a new operationalization: the Youth Representation Index. Rather than calculating youths’ representation by the percentage of MPs aged 35 years and below or aged 40 and below, or legislatures’ median age, we argue that scholars should assess youths’ parliamentary presence relative to their share in the voting age population. We contribute by assessing the magnitude of youths’ underrepresentation across countries: We find that adults aged 35 years and below are generally underrepresented in legislatures by a factor of three and those aged 40 and below by a factor of two. We illustrate that youths’ presence increase under proportional representation electoral systems and with candidate age requirements set at 18 years. Finally, our results illustrate that countries with a younger population display a stronger discrepancy in youth representation.
|
|
| 48. |
- Sundström, Aksel, 1983, et al.
(författare)
-
Corruption and Organized Crime in Conservation
- 2017
-
Ingår i: Gore M. L. (ed). Conservation Criminology. - : Wiley-Blackwell. - 9781118935484
-
Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
|
|
| 49. |
- Sundström, Aksel, 1983
(författare)
-
Corruption and regulatory compliance: Experimental findings from South African small-scale fisheries
- 2012
-
Ingår i: Marine Policy. - : Elsevier BV. - 0308-597X. ; 36:6, s. 1255-1264
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Although corruption is often mentioned as an obstacle to fisheries management, its negative effects have seldom been investigated empirically in a systematic manner. This article examines the impact of corruption on regulatory compliance among South African small-scale fishermen. Results from scenario experiments with 181 participants confirm that perceived corruptibility of the enforcing authority corrodes the willingness to comply with regulations. Both grand and petty types of corruption have significant effects. Attitudes related to moral support of the regulations, perceived inclusion in the decision making leading to regulations and an individual record of law breaking all affect the willingness to comply. However, these effects are trumped by the relative size of the negative impact of corruption. These findings underline the importance of curbing corruption involving public officials in the small-scale fisheries sector. (C) 2012 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
|
|
| 50. |
|
|
