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- Allern, Elin Haugsgjerd, et al.
(författare)
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Social Democrats and trade unions in Scandinavia : The decline and persistence of institutional relationships
- 2007
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Ingår i: European Journal of Political Research. - : Wiley. - 0304-4130 .- 1475-6765. ; 46:5, s. 607-635
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article examines the institutional arrangements between Social Democratic parties and trade unions in Denmark, Norway and Sweden. First, the authors show how these relations have weakened at a varying pace. Party–union ties are now quite distant in Denmark, but remain relatively close in Norway and, especially, Sweden. Second, the authors explore this variation using a simple model of political exchange. The finding is that the intensity of the relationship is correlated with the resources that each side can derive from the other, which in turn reflects national differences. Yet it is also clear that the degree of change is related to the formative phase of the institutional arrangement itself: the weaker the ties were from the beginning, the more easily they unravel in response to environmental changes.
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- Allern, Sigurd, 1946-, et al.
(författare)
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New Nordic Noir : Political Scandals as Drama and Media Hunts
- 2019
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Ingår i: The Routledge Companion to Media and Scandal. - London : Routledge. - 9781351173001 ; , s. 129-137
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This chapter focuses on the basis of Nordic research, present data about the incidence, types and consequences of scandals in Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden as well as discuss the political and societal effects of scandal journalism. It discusses the way in which mediated political scandals are launched, dramatized and interpreted. For Nordic news media, information on norm violations that can be reported, staged and dramatized as a political scandal is a competitive resource and a strategic, market-related investment in terms of reputation and audience interest. In practice, professional standards in Nordic scandal journalism vary considerably. The most typical Nordic “sex scandals” are accusations of rape or sexual harassment, buying sexual services from prostitutes or intercourse with minors, actions prohibited by law. Several factors may have influenced the increased importance of scandals in Nordic countries after the millennium. The liberalization and deregulation of the public sector in all Nordic countries has created opportunities for more private competition, but it has also increased the importance of lobbyism.
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- Allern, Sigurd, 1946-, et al.
(författare)
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Nordic political scandals – Frequency, types and consequences
- 2016
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Ingår i: Mediated Scandals. - Köln : Herbert von Halem Verlag. - 9783869622033 ; , s. 146-164
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Investigating powerful institutions and public figures plays an important part in the professional ideology of journalism. Exposing circumstances that create scandals help news organisations strengthen their legitimacy, and sometimes result in journalistic awards. In certain contexts journalistic investigations provide us with new knowledge about goings on in the hidden corridors of power, insights that can strengthen open, democratic debates. A society without any revelations that voters interpret as scandalous may be symptomatic of authoritarian control and a lack of press freedom. According to the sociologist Jeffrey Alexander (1988), journalists are taking in the responsibility of restoring the moral order of society.It would, however, be naïve to interpret any mediated scandal as strengthening democratic processes. Sometimes scandal reports reveal transgressions of norms that from a political point of view are quite trivial and after some time are easily forgotten by the public. The distinction between the important and the irrelevant may then be blurred. Democratic values are not necessarily enhanced when elected leaders, after days or weeks of media hunts, are pressed to resign before those who have elected them have a chance to influence the outcome. Neither do unilateral media campaigns that include tendencies of demonization create an ideal climate for reasoning and public debate.For a long time the Nordic region was regarded a scandal-free zone compared with other parts of Western Europe and the US. Commenting well-known political corruption cases in Western Germany in the 1980s, John Logue (1988: 261), for example, added that the Scandinavian labour movements and governments “are virtually free of such embarrassments”. Nobody would award such a political and moral certificate today.An analysis of national, political scandals in Sweden, Norway, Denmark and Finland covering the period 1980 – 2009, confirms that political scandals have gradually become a more regular feature in news media coverage, but with a low increase throughout the first two decades. The significant increase comes in 2000-2009, with a level nearly three times higher than in the first two decades (Allern, Kantola, Pollack & Blach-Ørsten, 2012). In this article we will present some of the results from this Nordic study and compare them with a new analysis of national political scandals in two of the countries, Sweden and Norway, in the following five years (2010-2014). Three questions will be addressed: Is there still an increased incidence of mediated scandals over time? In a societal context, how important are the norm violations? What have been the consequences for scandalized politicians?
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- Allern, Sigurd, 1946-, et al.
(författare)
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Swedish Advocacy Think Tanks as News Sources and Agenda-Setters
- 2016
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Ingår i: Tidsskriftet Politik. - : Det Kgl. Bibliotek/Royal Danish Library. - 1604-0058. ; 19:1, s. 61-76
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The topic of this paper is the media visibility of Swedish advocacy think tanks, as measured by references to these think tanks in leading Swedish print newspapers. Advocacy think tanks are, in contrast with more research-oriented think tanks, characterised by their outspoken ideological and political agenda. In public debates, they often have a partisan role. Four research questions will be answered: How often are these advocacy think tanks referred to in the news? How important are they as commentators and opinion-makers? How are they presented as sources in the news? What is the relative strength of market-liberal and right-wing think tanks versus red/green think tanks, in terms of media representation and agenda-setting?The selection criteria, type of newspapers, and time period used in this study of Swedish advocacy think tanks have been coordinated with parallel, national think tank studies by media researchers in Denmark, Norway, and Finland. Several changes in the think tank landscape took place after the turn of the millennium, which motivated us to select two full newspaper years, 2006 and 2013, to better cover these developments. To gain a deeper understanding of the think tanks’ backgrounds, their cooperation with other think tanks, and their media strategies, we conducted background interviews with representatives from four advocacy think tanks. We met with Karin Svanborg-Sjövall, CEO of Timbro; Boa Ruthström, CEO of Arena Idé, and Maja Dahl, communication manager of Arena Idé; Mattias Goldmann, CEO of Fores; and Daniel Suhonen, the leader of Katalys.
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Political Communicaiton in European Parliamentary Elections
- 2011. - 1
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Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Written by a leading team of internationally-distinguished political communication scholars, this book offers the most comprehensive account on comparative political communication research in the context of European Parliamentary elections to date. Divided into four sections, experts begin by tracing the historical and political background of European Parliamentary elections, paying close attention to trends in turnout and the changing institutional role of the European Parliament (EP). Focusing mainly on the 2009 elections and using original data throughout, the next two sections are devoted to campaign communication strategies and the overall media coverage of EP elections in both established and newly-accessioned members of the European Union. The concluding section focuses on the macro- and micro-level effects of European parliamentary campaigns in a comparative perspective to illustrate how campaign strategies and media coverage were received by voters in EU member states. This insightful account on the interaction between political actors, the media, and voters allows readers to develop a global understanding of political and media system interdependencies and on comparative political communication research more generally. Essential reading to students and scholars in political science, media studies, European politics, and political communication, as well as policy makers within the European Union.
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