| 21411. |
|
|
| 21412. |
- Larsson, Oscar, Assistant professor, 1978-
(författare)
-
The connections between crisis and war preparedness in Sweden
- 2021
-
Ingår i: Security Dialogue. - : SAGE Publications. - 0967-0106 .- 1460-3640. ; 52:4, s. 206-324
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Contemporary liberal and democratic states have ‘securitized’ a growing number of issues by advancing the notion of societal security. This is coupled with a proactive stance and the conception of building societal resilience in order to withstand future crises and disturbances. The preemptive logic of contemporary security and crisis management calls for a new type of resilient neoliberal subject who is willing to accept uncertainty and shoulder greater individual responsibility for her own security. This article offers a genealogical analysis of this development in Sweden since the end of the Cold War, highlighting the role now assigned to citizens within social and national security planning. I argue that seeking a return to a more traditional notion of ‘total defence’ blurs the previously important war/peace and crisis/security distinctions. While war preparedness in previous eras was an exceptional aspect of human life and citizenship, the conceptions of security now evolving bind together societal and national security such that civil and war preparedness are merged into an ever-present dimension of everyday existence. The analysis also reveals that the responsibilization of individuals introduces a moral dimension into security and generates new forms of citizen–citizen relations. These extricate the sovereign powers of the state and the liberalist social contract between the state and its citizens.
|
|
| 21413. |
- Larsson, Oscar, Assistant professor, 1978-, et al.
(författare)
-
The European Union as a Maritime Security Provider – The Naval Diplomacy Perspective
- 2022
-
Ingår i: Studies in Conflict and Terrorism. - : Informa UK Limited. - 1057-610X .- 1521-0731.
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The aim of this article is to assess how the European Union advances its role as a global security actor and how it deploys the military forces provided by the member states. Tracing the current debate of the identity and means of the European Union, we analyze the two maritime operations, EU NAVFOR Somalia (Operation Atalanta) and EUNAVFOR MED (Operation Sophia) from a naval diplomacy perspective. Naval diplomacy acknowledge a more versatile role for naval forces, not just military advancement and force projection. For this purpose, we need to go beyond mission descriptions and operational mandates in order to analyze and assess the two operations from within, relying on internal reports and interviews with senior officers who have participated in the operations. Results show that naval forces seeks cooperation with International organizations, NGOs, and third countries in order to facilitate security and good order of the global common of international water. Still, complex security problems are not resolved in this manner and EU maritime operations are highly political, thus facing an uncertain future as a tool of CSDP.
|
|
| 21414. |
- Larsson, Oscar, 1978-
(författare)
-
The Governmentality of Meta-governance : Identifying Theoretical and Empirical Challenges of Network Governance in the Political Field of Security and Beyond
- 2015
-
Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Meta-governance recently emerged in the field of governance as a new approach which claims that its use enables modern states to overcome problems associated with network governance. This thesis shares the view that networks are an important feature of contemporary politics which must be taken seriously, but it also maintains that networks pose substantial analytical and political challenges. It proceeds to investigate the potential possibilities and problems associated with meta-governance on both theoretical and empirical levels.The theoretical discussion examines meta-governance in relation to governmentality, and it puts forward the claim that meta-governance may be understood as a specific type of neo-liberal governmentality. The meta-governance perspective regards networks as a complementary structure to traditional administration that can be utilized in the implementation and realization of public policy, but which also preserves the self-regulating and flexible character of networks. This generates a contradiction between the goals of public management and the character of networks that requires further investigation.The combination of the specific dynamics of the political field of security, the diminishing role of sovereign powers, the emergence of security networks, and the meta-governance stance adopted by the Swedish state constitutes a situation that should have been favorable for the successful employment of meta-governance. The empirical investigation of meta-governance is divided into two parts. The first part reviews the historical process involved and shows how the Swedish government and public authorities have adopted a meta-governance stance. The second analyzes the specific instruments and strategies that have been deployed in the governance of security communications and in the management of Sweden’s new security communications system which is an important aspect of security networks. The historical study together with the analysis of the meta-governance tools deployed reveals that the meta-governors neither reached the goals specified, nor fulfilled the overall purpose of successful security communications.I argue on the basis of the theoretical and empirical findings obtained in the present study that it is very difficult to successfully employ meta-governance in respect to security and crisis management, and that we have sound reasons to suspect that meta-governance will run into similar difficulties in other political fields as well. I conclude that meta-governance is a far more difficult practice than has been anticipated by existing theories and policy recommendations. Turning to meta-governance as a way to govern and control organizations may in fact lead to further fragmentation and distortion of public politics.
|
|
| 21415. |
- Larsson, Oscar, 1978-
(författare)
-
Using Post-structuralism to Explore the Full Impact of Ideas on Politics
- 2015
-
Ingår i: Critical review (New York, N.Y.). - : Informa UK Limited. - 0891-3811 .- 1933-8007. ; 27:2, s. 174-197
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Colin Hay's constructivist institutionalism and Vivien A. Schmidt's discursive institutionalism are two recent attempts to theorize ideas as potential explanations of institutional change. This new attention to the causal role of ideas is welcome, but Hay and Schmidt do not take into consideration the constitutive and structural aspects of ideas. Instead they reduce ideas to properties of individual conscious minds, scanting the respects in which ideas are intersubjectively baked into the practices shared by individuals. This aspect of ideasarguably, the institutional side of ideasis developed in post-structuralist thought, which therefore demands a place in ideational research.
|
|
| 21416. |
|
|
| 21417. |
- Larsson, Oscar, Assistant professor, 1978-
(författare)
-
Why More Civil Society Will Not Lead to Less Domination : Dealing with Present Day State Phobia through Michel Foucault and Neo-Republicanism
- 2021
-
Ingår i: Journal of Political Power. - 2158-379X .- 2158-3803. ; 14:1, s. 258-275
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The notion of civil society, as an ontologically distinct sphere, separated from the state thereby serves as an antidote to the sovereign power of the state. Since the 1990s, we have seen reforms and organizational structures that advances the role ofthe market as well as the civil society along with a voluntary sector, often with the deliberate attempt to disrupt the power of the stateand to tame the Leviathan through the promotion of networks,partnerships, co-governance and collaboration. This can be understoodin terms of a present day state phobia and builds on a liberal conception of negative freedom understood as non-interference.Yet if we take Foucault‘s theorizations of power as omnipresent as itdisrupts the power/freedom dichotomy we need to find alternativeways to cope with relations of power in order to not let themdeteriorate into relations of domination. I argue in this article that neo-republican ideal of non-domination can be combined with Foucault’s insights on the nature of power. If correct, a continued promotion of more civil society involvement and partnerships between public and private actors provides a false insurance to diminish domination in contemporary societies.
|
|
| 21418. |
|
|
| 21419. |
|
|
| 21420. |
|
|
